Home | Comment & Analysis    Thursday 28 April 2016

Invisible, Forgotten, and Suffering: Darfuri Refugees in Eastern Chad


By Eric Reeves

There are more than 20 million refugees worldwide—and half of them are children. Moreover, according to the UN High Commission for refugees, 86 percent of these refuges are in “countries considered economically less developed.” But international attention has focused disproportionately on the plight of those from the historical Levant, who continue to turn up in various wealthy European countries that have the power to shape international news and perceptions.

Constant attention to the plight of Syrians, Iraqis and others has also made it easy to overlook the often more threatening circumstances of roughly 40 million people internally displaced in their own countries—most of which are not in the Levant. Narrowly focused international attention has also made it easier for Europeans to conclude expedient deals with regimes like the one in Khartoum, which recently received a commitment of more than €150 million, notionally to stem the growing tide of Africans traveling from Sudan northwards. There is little evidence, however, that the EU much cares that most of this money will line the pockets of the kleptocracy that is the ruling National Islamic Front/National Congress Party regime in Khartoum. If only some the money partially stanches the refugee flow, it will be considered a good “investment.”

To be sure, other rich nations have just been as expedient in preventing refugees from entering. The U.S. uses an impossibly long and cumbersome process to scrutinize Syrians and others. Japan turns down 99 percent of all refugees and asylum applicants. But perhaps the largest problem is not with nations but with UN agencies. Nowhere is this more conspicuous than in the treatment of over 300,000 Sudanese refugees in eastern Chad, virtually all from Darfur—virtually all ethnically African. The twelve camps along the Darfur/Chad border have long been imperiled, by violence and humanitarian shortages. Yet their problems command no attention, and they are perhaps the most invisible large refugee population in the world.

The two UN agencies most culpable are both, it must be said, badly underfunded. The UN’s World Food Program (WFP) and the UN High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) have faced increasing shortages of money for programs that have sustained Darfuri refugees and other refugees and internally displaced populations throughout Africa. They have raised their voices, typically to no avail. But they have also engaged in practices that betray their mandate in consequential ways, and these must be highlighted, including suspicious census preparations for both refugees in eastern Chad and IDPs in Darfur.

Both agencies are engaged in policies that amount finally to forced repatriation of Darfuri refugees to a country still in the midst of an extremely violent, finally genocidal counter-insurgency campaign by Khartoum. WFP has sharply cut food rations for Darfuri refugees since 2014 to the point where they now amount, on paper, to only about one third of the minimum adequate daily intake of 2,100 kilocalories per person. But according to one highly informed Darfuri expatriate who has travelled regularly to eastern Chad, even this overstates what actually reaches people. Food is expropriated by various means along the way, including by middlemen who take a significant portion of the allocated food. Beneficiaries must pay—with food—for the milling of grain. What reaches children is typically not enough to prevent chronic malnutrition (“stunting”), a chronic problem in Sudan and the Sahel. Many of the refugees have been in Chad since the beginning of the genocide in 2003. A child born in one of the refugee camps in 2004 may well be both uneducated and acutely malnourished.

According to local aid workers, UNHCR has told Darfuri refugees that the time has come for them to become self-reliant and either integrate into Chadian society or return to Darfur. For example, where limited education is provided, the Sudanese curriculum is no longer used: students have been forced to study the Chadian curriculum—in French, a language that few possess. Most consequentially, as UNHCR officials well know, returning to Darfur—given the extreme levels of violence—is impossible in most places. Indeed, massive insecurity is the only reason Darfuris remain in this desolate region, which cannot support both a huge refugee population and a local Chadian population. Darfuris have no wish to stay in Chad, or to “integrate” into Chadian society, as UNHCR is insisting. They want to return to their lands and homes. Still, UNHCR continues to push a program of “voluntary” repatriation, one that is adamantly rejected by Darfuris:

A delegation of the UN refugee agency (UNHCR) and a representative of the Chadian government, held a meeting with refugee leaders in the Djabal camp on Tuesday concerning the voluntary repatriation programme, as agreed between the UNHCR and the Sudanese and Chadian authorities in September.

“They told us that a Sudanese delegation will visit the camps in November to prepare for the return of the refugees,” El Zein Mohamed Ahmed, Radio Dabanga correspondent in eastern Chad reported. “The refugee elders and sheikhs asserted their categorical rejection of the voluntary repatriation programme while the situation in most parts of Darfur is still extremely unsafe and insecure,” he said. “They told them the refugees will not welcome any delegation from the Khartoum regime, which is the main cause of their suffering.” (Radio Dabanga, November 1, 2015)

Collusion between the repressive regime of Idriss Déby, the Khartoum regime of indicted génocidaire Omar al-Bashir, and UN agencies is an international disgrace. Refugees are defined in the 1951 Refugee Convention as people who are outside their country of origin "owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted.” No survey of current realities among the African tribal populations of Darfur can possibly escape the conclusion that returning refugees would face intense “persecution,” including murder, rape, denial of humanitarian assistance, torture, and arbitrary incarceration.

For its part, the broader international community refuses to provide meaningful civilian protection in Darfur, settling instead for the ill-conceived and badly failing UN/African Union “hybrid” force—UNAMID. Intimidated by both Khartoum and ruthless Arab militias deployed by the regime since it took up its mandate in January 2008, UNAMID is impotent, frequently denied access to investigate atrocities, and rarely reports even massive civilian destruction. It cannot possibly protect returning refugees, and may soon be withdrawn by the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations. Violence over the past four fighting seasons has accelerated to the point that it is now as destructive as during the early years of the genocide (2003 – 2005). Genocidal violence has been especially intense in North Darfur, to which a great many refugees would be returning.

The UN must make urgent, emergency distributions of food and other basic humanitarian supplies to Darfuri refugees and other distressed populations inside Darfur. Rich nations should ensure full funding of WFP, devise means for effective civilian protection. Violence in Darfur must be brought to and end, and those same EU countries willing to pay off Khartoum for short-term gains should instead impose the kind of tough economic and financial sanctions the U.S. has imposed. This would quickly make the Khartoum regime more tractable in negotiating a verifiable peace agreement for Darfur. Only an end to the fighting can make it safe for Darfuri refugees to return to the productive lives from which they were forced by a genocide now in its fourteenth year.

Eric Reeves, a professor at Smith College, has published extensively on Sudan, nationally and internationally, for the past seventeen years. He is author of Compromising with Evil: An archival history of greater Sudan, 2007 – 2012 (September 2012)

The views expressed in the 'Comment and Analysis' section are solely the opinions of the writers. The veracity of any claims made are the responsibility of the author not Sudan Tribune.

If you want to submit an opinion piece or an analysis please email it to comment@sudantribune.com

Sudan Tribune reserves the right to edit articles before publication. Please include your full name, relevant personal information and political affiliations.
Comments on the Sudan Tribune website must abide by the following rules. Contravention of these rules will lead to the user losing their Sudan Tribune account with immediate effect.

- No inciting violence
- No inappropriate or offensive language
- No racism, tribalism or sectarianism
- No inappropriate or derogatory remarks
- No deviation from the topic of the article
- No advertising, spamming or links
- No incomprehensible comments

Due to the unprecedented amount of racist and offensive language on the site, Sudan Tribune tries to vet all comments on the site.

There is now also a limit of 400 words per comment. If you want to express yourself in more detail than this allows, please e-mail your comment as an article to comment@sudantribune.com

Kind regards,

The Sudan Tribune editorial team.

The following ads are provided by Google. SudanTribune has no authority on it.

Sudan Tribune

Promote your Page too

Latest Comments & Analysis

Sudan’s uprising is putting the future of al-Bashir’s rule at stake 2019-01-18 01:30:38 By Adil Babikir The buzzword in Sudan these days is tasgut bass. The catchphrase, which translates into “you must go, no matter what”, is echoing in demonstrations across the country calling on (...)

Al-Bashir’s pickaxe underlies economic downfall in Sudan 2019-01-07 19:49:21 By Mahmoud A. Suleiman The destructive pickaxe of Omer Hassan Ahmed al-Bashir and his Corrupt Entourage for the three decades are responsible for the Economic Downfall in Sudan and Not due to (...)

The Sudanese Tsunami 2019-01-07 08:01:14 The Only Way Forward is for Bashir to Step Down and a New Interim Democratic Arrangement Put in Place By Yasir Arman On Sunday, 6th of January, Sudan has witnessed one of the biggest (...)


Latest Press Releases

Ethnic Murle politicians say enough to cattle raiding 2018-12-28 09:32:00 December 27, 2018 (JUBA) - Murle political leaders in Buma state have vowed to end the practice of cattle raiding and child abduction by individuals in the community. Jodi Jonglei, who is also (...)

CEPO: South Sudan Opposition Alliance (SSOA): Stop politics of split and focus on R-ARCSS implementation 2018-12-26 09:53:29 26th December, 2018. South Sudan Opposition Alliance internal leadership change frication is disturbing and demoralizing public opinion. The big question CEPO is raising, will SSOA be a strong (...)

Progress observed at end of second month of R-ARCSS implementation 2018-10-22 06:44:02 Press Release 21 October 2018 South Sudanese government released 24 detainees in the implementation of the revitalized peace agreement said the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) (...)


Copyright © 2003-2019 SudanTribune - All rights reserved.