South Sudan: Unity to be decided by vote not statements
SPLM Dilemmas:Why Blaming Angelina Teny-State Minister for Energy & Mining for declaring forceful unity in Sudan?
By Yai Joseph de Dut
March 19, 2007 — It is important to put on record how the Sudan’s Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) came about; In late Dr. Garang de Mabior’s words on 15th May 2005 at SPLM 24th Anniversary-Rumbek. He said; I and those who joined me in the bush and fought for more than twenty years have brought to you CPA in a golden plate. Our mission is accomplished. It is now your turn, especially those who did not have a chance to experience bushes life. When time comes to vote at referendum, it is your golden choice to determine your fate……etc. As already noted, concerns have been expressed that the CPA approach to building peace over the coming three years in Sudan has been too piecemeal in style, in effect involving a sequencing policy to make the unity between the South and North attractive but we shouldn’t jump into conclusions.
As per recently a released statement by Madam Angelina Teny, Federal State Minister for Energy & Mining: March 14, 2007 (NAIROBI) — Southern Sudan will not secede but remain united after the end of the five-year interim period of implementing the Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA), which ended the long-running war between the North and the South. A senior official disclosed Wednesday. As SPLM/A, we have resolved that working for a united Sudan is the only way to stability. Angelina Teny told investors attending the second annual international investment conference for southern Sudan in Nairobi. The voices thinking of an independent Southern Sudan will have to wait or if some things change drastically; she said.
This statement has arguably increased the incentives for SPLM’s dilemmas in those areas deemed lower priority, nonetheless provoking immature referendum campaign that could be considered as called for the unity of Sudan. The statement of Angelina is very trivial and suggests that perceived linkage is now the driving impulse behind personal perception, and strategy for peace and to represent SPLM ministers’ views but not SPLM masses. None of the key SPLM portfolio holders attempt to minimize the challenges posed by the suffering of the people (SPLA soldiers or indigenous civilians) in Southern Sudan after decades of brutal Khartoum-based regimes’ war against the marginalized areas (Nuba, Blue Nile region, Abyei and tradition Southern Sudan). In spite of an ambitious SPLM plan that has been developed since 1994, there remain many concerns about issues of commitment and capacity of some current SPLM Political Bureau members to battle National Congress Party (NCP) in order to achieve fair outcomes after CPA interim period.
There are also worries about the degree to which the vision of SPLM “New Sudan” on new basis could be utilized as a ground for reconstruction of war affected zones and across the entire country, given the fact that there is unfinished business in the light of selective approach taken by NCP in implementing the CPA. Nonetheless, the importance of the emergence of Angelina Teny statement should not be underestimated. In my preliminary review of her statement in particular this phrase “……Southern Sudan will not secede but remain united after the end of the five-year interim period of implementing the Comprehensive Peace Accord … etc” it provides mixed assessment, the picture is at all bad and ambiguous. Indeed, there may be indications of some personal twists to the usual tale of avoided responsibility and late response to people and inherited SPLM democratic campaign fort-free-will of people but not elites deciding on behalf of the masses.
In a public rally organized by SPLM Chapter and addressed by Dr. John Garang on 30th May 2004, KICC-Nairobi, to brief Sudanese Community on Navaisha Protocols, he announced that SPLM needs to be reformed, to avoid confusionists and what he described as “brief-case politicians” intending to inflate and aborted the system. He continued that the CPA is yours (people not elites) and you owned it gift from your movement.
In giving oral evidence to Dr. John Garang message. I believe, Yei SPLM National Council Meeting in Feb 2007, aligned to both Yei meeting communiqué delivered by comrade Pagan Amum and KICC briefing. However, none of these points agreed in Yei talked about SPLM’s imposed unity. Madam Angelina quoted Yei Meeting but it sounds like misinforming the international community (Investors Forum) and misleading SPLM masses on bad intentions/levels of NCP support to condemn Sudan.
It should be made abundantly clear that media coups d’etat are no longer fashionable. We need more of the decisive reaction of all SPLM structures to dissonance such a kind statement of Madam Angelina that: Southern Sudan will not secede but remain united after the end of the five-year interim period to the investors’ forum on Southern Sudan. This contributed immensely to the reversal of CPA content and the incumbent democratically expected referendum in 2011. There is no doubt that being a cabinet Minister in GONU is requiring to talk big and what’s the matter with impose the unity on SPLM masses throat? Unity and separation issues have been a drag on alarming performance. But from our in-depth analysis of existence NCP and northerners’ attitudes dating back to 1972 and 1997, we (SPLM at different constituencies) have determined that it is a high time for the people of Southern Sudan to exercise the right of self-determination through a referendum. This national right cannot be fully explained pervasively by sub-par performance among the SPLM elites class. Let us wait for the voting outcome after three years.
People say that in heaven, possibly, ideals speak for themselves. But on earth ideals require translation; they require action. But in the South versus North political context, experience demonstrates that the ends crash and burn without means. The need for means is the terrible requirement exacted by an unforgiving world, and in this requirement, and the possibility it creates of a fatal mismatch between ends and means, lays the taproot of political tragedy. Ideals are the necessary motives of practical action, but ideals without wherewithal are empty dreams, and ideals yoked to the wrong means are likely to turn into nightmares. This explains why SPLM tends to avoid unnecessary tensions and opted for conditioned unity between the South and North that it must be “attractive and voluntary” if we need to take on board the common public in the South.
The current experience of Sudan’s peace accord suggests that the SPLM leadership has yet to think through the full implications of the emerging statements from different SPLM spokespersons. My question is why all the controversial statements come from SPLM Ministers in GONU? i.e. Lam Akol, Telar Riing and lately Angelina Teny. We must sing one song comrades. I feel that we (SPLM stakeholders) should shoulder the responsibility to protect the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). To steer far from situations, similar to Madam Angelina statement and the imperatives of making peace this can lead to issues of need and accountability being sidelined. It is worthy to eliminate such tensions and trade-offs in pursuit of a consistent approach to justify the ends.
The CPA survived the shock of the death of our hero late Dr. John Garang leader of SPLM/A in a helicopter crash in July 2005, only (3 weeks) after he had been sworn in as Sudan’s First Vice-President and President of the Government of Southern Sudan. The SPLM/A rapidly elected his deputy, comrade Salva Kiir Mayardit, as his successor, took upon himself the burdens of both offices, First Vice-President in the Government of National Unity and President of GOSS. The NCP and its traders appear to be lacking good faith to honour the CPA at the moment. Yet for all that the NCP’s hidden hands remain as the significant threat to North-South peace. Levels of trust interplay between North and South are still fragile. The NCP and Northern Political Parties have a long history of failing to live up to agreements made in previous peace accords, such as the Khartoum Peace-1997, Addis Ababa agreement of 1972 and Chiefs Conference-1947. There are skeptical SPLMs observers who wonder whether the leaders of the NCP are simply biding their time on the CPA while they prioritize securing their objectives in 2011 referendum for the South as well as for the popular consultations exercise in Nuba and Blue Nile regions.
To bring this to Madam Angelina attention, I thought she was quoted ‘out of the context’ by foreign media but unfortunately no contrary statement issued to nullify it! The fact that there is undoubtedly remain views within the Northern parties which oppose to the CPA content, I wonder why Madam Angelina danced to NCP tune? The NCP is not immune from challenge on this battle and the SPLM and its supporters still being labeled as “infidels” and can not rule the northern elites. This mentality contradicts and ruined off your called for crushing so-called separatists with the SPLM and opted for forceful unity after interim period.
I would like to remind Madam Angelina about Dr. John Garang briefing in London – Feb 2002, that Sudan political map will not remain the same as of 1955. Also he has highlighted on 15th May 2005 in Rumbek that ( …. it is now your turn, especially those who did not have a chance to experience bush’s life. When time comes to vote at referendum, it is your golden choice to determine your fate. Would you like to vote to be second class citizens in your own country? It is absolutely your choice). Dr. John Garang said this after he signed the CPA with NCP and he knew that NCPs are tactic-full in making unity you have called for on behalf of the SPLM masses unattractive.
Others fear that the terms of the CPA have left the Government of National Unity largely under the control of the NCP and the security establishment that stands behind it. If this is so, it is difficult to envisage the NCP and others marking a dramatic break with the past. The negative attitudes and behaviour of leaders of the NCP toward the South, some of whom you might have witnessed and observed in Khartoum not abide to CPA contents.
With regard to the SPLM/A, observers also wonder how many of the SPLM current leaders can push issues beyond the late Dr. John Garang’s vision of a ‘New Sudan’ and really shared the same tactics to influence the North. I, for one and foremost convinced that the NCP and its allies are biding their time – in their case, waiting for the referendum and influencing it on their favor. The threats to peace may also come ‘from below’ rather than purely ‘from above. As a failure to address crucial questions:
First: Will NCP get off from El Shariah laws? to allow none Muslim ruler to rule the north?
Second: whether the legal and institutional frameworks can be created to resolve the inevitable conflicts that will arise effectively and peacefully in general life? Whether or not you feel that this government of national unity has been really integrated?
Third: whether NCP will try or likely to be some mismatch between rising grassroots expectations of reconstruction and development, in a context of desperate needs of infrastructure: roads, schools, hospital, hydropower, bridges, sanitation system in the South to disburse funds quickly and efficiently before referendum period?
Forth: do you have in your Ministry accurate figures of total income from oil revenues that the South should get 50%? How much oil crude being produced per a day? How much revenues allocated for the South from none oil income in the NCP-North?
Fifth: Where is the benchmark between the South and North boundaries? Abyei borders? Why Bentiu oil being refine in El Jihli (north of Khartoum) not Bentiu where it found, or any viable place like Kapoeta? Why should all the refineries be in the North? Who makes oil related policies on where to build economically viable refineries? Are you already dancing to the NCP and Awad Al-Jazz of infeasibility of building refineries southward?
Sixth: where are 28% of civil servants positions allocated for Southerners in the North? Why churches are being demolished in Khartoum and other places in the north? Have you ever visited Kober and Omdurman General Prisons to see Southerners IDPs imprisoned and why? Have you gone to Um-Dhou-Albaan in eastern part of Khartoum to see abducted children from the South? Where are the slaves taken by NCP from the South?
Seventh: why we (Southerners) lost more than 2.5 millions martyrs from 1947 – 2005, is it a price for the so called unity? What will you expected to be a reward from the NCP unity to those affected families?
Eighth: what is actual proportion allocated for the South in National Security & Intelligent organs? Where NCP-SAF forces deployment right now as per the CPA after two years? Why NCP not paying SPLA troops integrated into JIU?
However, failure to resolve those indicators in the South could help unravel the peace between the North and the South. That peace agreement certainly faces its own challenges from a National Congress Party that seems to want an agreement in name only.
With the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement on January 9th 2005, there was great hope that this longstanding war would finally be brought to a peaceful and equitable end so that the suffering would be over and reconstruction could begin. Unfortunately, to this date, there is no proof that the existence of good faith or intention on NCP side to make unity attractive why are we running after the north if they are saying no? Certainly no reason has been given to the South or in particular SPLM masses to justify the downgrading our national image (as second class citizens) status as a nation guilty of requesting for separation? The CPA has brought to the South two systems one country, GOSS, SPLA as a national army with distinct command, Southern Sudan flag, Central Bank of Southern Sudan, Police and Prison with distinct administration and most importantly the Self-determination exercise. What I have mentioned above could be the basis for sovereignty state, why do you want Southerners not to dream of what they wanted? My opinion is that there is still chance to make the unity or separation attractive and SPLM elites need not to play ahead of the game.
Since you are certainly new in this position (Minister for Energy & Mining), so I don’t want you to take it personally, perhaps we will seek clear and actual figures or indicators from oil revenues and production under your tenure to be used for the unity campaign if needs be in the future. We certainly feel that the loss of Dr. John Garang was a tremendous setback to the peace accord in Sudan. Dr. Garang has been a tireless warrior for the people of South Sudan and we were all saddened with his untimely death, and certainly we feel it has been a setback to the process. I had the privilege to discuss some of the issues raised in this article with comrade Salva Kiir SPLM leader but I hope that all of the work that late Dr. John Garang has done and even his death has not been in vain and Salva will do more if you stay away. The people of Southern Sudan have suffered tremendously under the hand of this government (NCP), which by the way came to power in a bloody coup in 1989, as I mentioned. Concerned citizens of this great nation of Southern Sudan have devoted years to preserve the bloodshed. If the CPA is being implemented in good faith and without delay, including the implementation of the Abyei Commission report, withdrawal of the government forces (SAF) from the South as called for in the CPA, setting up of key commissions as called for in the CPA, revenue sharing as called for in the Wealth Sharing Protocol, that is when we should normalize relations with the north and talk real business otherwise we need to take our time.
Our interest stemmed from the grievances in the South, the atrocities that were taking place in the South. So, it behooves us to really put a focus on assisting them in establishing a peaceful and prosperous and particularly Southern Sudan. I would also say that redeployment of the government troops from the South is necessary. It is an immediate necessary action that NCP must take. It is absolutely unacceptable for them to continue to have their presence here. They are behind the schedule in redeployment. It represents psychological warfare for them to continue to be here.
Of course, a lot still remained to be done. The peace process had to become more inclusive, incorporating other political parties and civil society, and security laws had to be brought into line with the Constitution. The sense of optimism in the south was thus low and the people there had become suspicious. Many were losing belief in the north’s sincerity about giving the South a chance to develop beyond peace. Matching the cynicism in the south were suspicions in the north that the SPLM did not really want to give unity a chance in the referendum, to be held six years after the signing of the Agreement.
In order to resolve problems effectively one has to understand the grievance process and their role in making the procedure work for people interest. In my view, few grievances should ever go up the grievance ladder and even fewer should go to arbitration. When a large number of grievances go up the grievance ladder, there is a serious problem with the procedure and its use. Therefore, I decided to write to you in regard to a few of the points raised by your statement at Nairobi International Investors Forum on Southern Sudan.
Finally, I will conclude with late Dr. John Garang de Mabior advice to all of us that: I and those who joined me in the bush and fought for more than twenty years have brought to you CPA in a golden plate. Our mission is accomplished. It is now your turn, especially those who did not have a chance to experience bush’s life. When time comes to vote at referendum, it is your golden choice to determine your fate. Would you like to vote to be second class citizens in your own country? It is absolutely your choice.
* The author is a SPLM member based in Southern Sudan. He can be reached at [email protected]