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Sudan Tribune

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Nuer silent majority at its worst.

By Luk Kuth Dak

August 22, 2011 — I don’t know what other advice do you have for the overwhelming Nuer silent majority who is either not brave enough to face it off with the traitors and the betrayers in their community, or simply doesn’t give a darn about the Nuer reputations being constantly tarnished by some illiterate bullies.

Yes, you don’t have to have a degree in political Science to know that when a plan is not working, you should change the strategy before it is too late. That’s how smart people do business. They search for solutions. They don’t simply try to dig their head in the sand and hope that somehow the problem will go away!

It’s time to change that bigoted sentiment that the Nuer are superior to everybody else in South Sudan, but with absolutely nothing to show for it. In truth, the opposite is the sad reality here. If the Nuer supreme leader, Latjor, were to return to life today, he would be vomiting in disgust at how we’ve muddled the state of affairs of his nation that he once built on values, dignity, bravery, integrity, honesty and respect.

It’s sad, indeed, that today, the only voice you hear from the Nuer nation is the voice of division, revenge and bitterness towards our fellow countrymen. The compelling question is quite simple: Where are the voices of wisdom, common sense and reasoning? And why the Nuer intellectuals are doggedly silent and so afraid of these illiterate bullies that even their putative leaders like Dr. Riek Machar, Justice Luk Jok wouldn’t dare challenging them?

You be the judge.

But unless one is clearly a counting illiterate, it’s almost stupid the claim that the Nuer Nation is marginalized in South Sudan that thugs such as Peter Gadeet and Gatluak Gai had no other alternative but to pick up arms to protect its interests!

Yeah right!!

All the while, Dr. Riek Machar sits at the helm as the second most powerful man in the country. James Hoth Mai, SPLA Chief of staff. Justice John Luk Jok, Justice Minister. Gabriel Changson, Culture and Sports Minister. James kok, Humanitarian Affairs Minister. And Dr. Barnaba Marial Benjamin, Information and Broadcasting Minister.

The list goes on and on, ladies and gentlemen.

Moreover, in a nation building, everybody’s a pivotal role to play. You don’t need to be the president to serve your country. As Dr. Martin Luther once said: “ If a man is called to be a street sweeper, he should sweep streets even as Michelangelo painted, or Beethoven composed music, or Shakespeare wrote poetry. He should sweep streets so well that he hosts of heaven and earth will pause to say, here lived a great streets sweeper who did his job well.”

That’s really all it takes.

Evidently, there are traitors in all of the Southern tribes, but the Nuer is leading the league and basking the role. When Gadeet and Gatluak were killing innocent civilians and turning their villages into morgues, for purely individualistic purposes, they were cheered as heroes and liberators of the Nuer nation from the so-called Dinka domination, the entire Nuer nation was stone-silent!

Ironically, when the Vice President, Dr. Riek Machar, offered his sincere apology to the Dinka Bor community, the band of thugs in the Nuer nation wasted no time to denounce him and showered him with adjectives that I can’t dare repeat here! Once again, Nuer intellectuals were missing in action!

Personally, I’m not a big fan of the VP, Dr. Riek Machar. I have never quite gotten over his past betrayal of the movement, which almost resulted in the destruction of the revolution. Now, however, I can’t help but laud him for doing what only brave men do: take full responsibility for their actions. His apology to the Bor community, though a little too late, is the right thing to do.

Understandably, not everyone in the Bor community may accept his apology. But if a few patriots and some kind-hearted ones among them do, then, that’s what matters.

It’s our hope that other leaders will soon follow suite.

The author is a former anchorman at Juba Radio. He can be reach via e-mail at: [email protected].

24 Comments

  • Mi diit
    Mi diit

    Nuer silent majority at its worst.
    Uncle Luk Kuth Dak,

    Well, I thought you were also a self-imposed Nuer intellectual. Then if that is true why did you join the silent majority?

    I haven’t read you talking about the issues you blame others on. Is that hypocrisy?

    And why are you always negative about the Nuer? Is it not a job seeker’s attitude? Please if you haven’t found your job for those you intend to read your articles of Nuer betrayal, just think twice. You future employers are not looking for people without popularity among the Nuer.

    And besides, don’t base on poor judement on hearsays. Dr. Riek Machar has not appologized to Bor Dinka on what you call his 1991 betrayal. Your betrayal heart in joining people who work against achievement by Nuer sons gives you that logic. 1991 brought you the self determination which has resulted to independence. Why would you call such a possitive change a betrayal.

    Dr. Riek Machar was just telling Bor Dinka sorry for the killings in Bor which resulted from the 1991 patriotic move. He was only saying it was unfortunate that the move was resisted and resulted to the loss of lives. Get that in your thick brain.

    And look for your apologies somewhere else and hope that you get a job soon.

    Reply
  • Dhalaluaak
    Dhalaluaak

    Nuer silent majority at its worst.
    Luk Kuth Dak,
    Congratulation brother for your well said and transparent message to members of your community.We southerners need people like, who don’t take side but to condemn or criticized what’s wrong a nationalist.

    even though i ‘m not a member of your community, i like the way you have put your writing so boldly.I often times commanded that there are good nuer citizens, who are wise enough to save this struggling nation.

    I am hoping if other nuer intellectuals and civilians alike with such wisdom stand up in every angle of their community.i think can come gradually till our people are transform from wrong thinking and actions to a better peace loving citizens.In order for build this nation,it’s a responsibility of each and every citizen of South Sudan to make this country safe and shine like the rest of the world do.

    Thanks for your bold message
    Please do more whenever you have time.

    Reply
  • Dhalaluaak
    Dhalaluaak

    Nuer silent majority at its worst.
    sorry!there are errors in my writing but i don’t have time to correct them but i hope you would rather understand as you read through the lines.

    Reply
  • Mi diit
    Mi diit

    Nuer silent majority at its worst.
    Dhaaluak,

    Luk Kuth Dak is simply an opportunistic job seeker. He wants to please his future bosses by such articles of betrayal in order get their attention and give him a position.

    Now you congratulate him for being a “wise” Nuer. Where is a wise Dinka to correct the foolishness exercised every day the Dinka?

    Please read that bad story of so-called Dinka Police Station in Nimule. You will never see the slave hearted Luk Kuth Dak writing about that.

    It is foolish to condemn the patriotic move of 1991 that turned around the movement to self-determination and independence. Only foolish people will not appreciate that move which they today enjoy their fruits.

    Don’t entertain a culture that bites the hand which feeds you.

    If the BBC could congratulate Dr. Riek Machar for the achievement of independence based on his 1991 call for self-determination, and they are foreigners, why would foolish southerners refuse to accept the reality that has come as a result that move?

    Pathetic!

    2.5 million people died because of John Garang’s war to keep Sudan united, and may be few thousands from Bor Dinka died because they resisted the call to self-determination.

    Reply
  • Mi diit
    Mi diit

    Nuer silent majority at its worst.

    By Michael Mathias Wani

    August 22, 2011 — It was on August 12, 2011 when I went to visit my brother who was jailed in Nimule, a Town in Eastern Equatoria State bordering Uganda. On reaching there, I thought of going directly to Nimule Police Station, but a relative told me that my brother was in the ‘Dinka Police Station’. According to his explanation, my brother was jailed in the ‘Dinka Police Station’ because he had a problem with a Dinka.

    In Nimule, anybody who have problem with a Dinka or many of them are jailed in ‘Dinka Police’ while issues with the rest of people across South Sudan are being handled in Nimule Police Station, he added. I decided to go with hope of visiting him, a brother of mine. When I reached to what they called Dinka Police Station, I talked to the officer on duty about my brother. This officer instead put me in jail and demanded that I point out the person who sent me to ask for my brother in that ‘Dinka Police Station’. He was also quick to deny presence of my brother in that jail.

    Late in the evening, I was tortured and locked in. The following morning I was given multiple lashes before I was release. With all the pains now I am back to Mundri and never know the fate of my brother as I write.

    What could be the meaning of this Dinka Police Station if people can’t be allowed to visit their relatives jailed there? Why should I be tortured for going to visit my brother jailed there? Why the people of Eastern Equatorial allowed such Police Station of segregation to exist in Nimule? Why Dinka are allowed to have such Police Station for torturing innocent people like me? Is the government of South Sudan having general and Private Police Stations for treating Dinka Versus non Dinka in Nimule? And why all these are happening?

    When people were complaining about Dinka Police Station in Juba, some government officials denied the existence. What about this one in Nimule? Considering denial of access to see my brother, and the way I was treated. That Police Station is a true Hell to anyone taken there. Although I am getting medical treatment, according to the Doctor I may end up with physical disabilities. My knees, pelvic, ankles, arms, were terribly heat with clubs including kicking with hard shoes and lashes.

    My health is now damaged without fault and without choice. I am appealing to the people of Eastern Equatorial and the government of South Sudan, if you don’t close Dinka Police Station in Nimule; it’s a Police Station by name. The activities centred there are meant to Torture and Kill. Like what happened to my brother, a lot of people taken there for having problem with Dinka never come back. Anyone who denies this message should go to Nimule for more finding. The situation is awkward.

    The author can be reached at [email protected]

    Reply
  • Achiek Alier Jr
    Achiek Alier Jr

    Nuer silent majority at its worst.
    Mi Diit,

    We need some explanations, how did Riek brought about the right of self-determination?. The whole of Africans continent as well as our former enemy knows that Riek is always a weak leader.

    LEAVE Luk alone, a lots of books have been written by Southern Sudanese and foreigners alike about Riek’s political betrayal to the people of Southern Sudan and to the Nuer community in particular. You will never rewrite the history. Mark it down.

    Reply
  • Dhalaluaak
    Dhalaluaak

    Nuer silent majority at its worst.
    Midiit,
    I don’t want you to bring up that 1991 blogni.How can a democratic seeking man ordered a total destruction of innocence civilians he fought for to liberate from the Arab?
    How can you killed ladies,kids and at worse cut off a woman’s breast?

    2.5m lives were not lost as a result of South-North war but were lost to Southern traitors,who don’t have inclement to human rights.Since the war broke out in 1983 until 1991,the Jalaba never killed any civilian but your people other tribes,who love killing at random.Killing is not one of our community tradition.Those lives were lost through stupid wars,diseases and hunger.

    I thought you can judge yourself better.Since Dr.Riek took away peace south sudan,nothing have been good since then up to now.If you are proud of your demonic 1991 action,then you are evil within.The BBC can do that because they were his supporters when he rebelled.

    Reply
  • Mi diit
    Mi diit

    Nuer silent majority at its worst.
    Alier,

    I hope you are not another liar like that of your uncle in Khartoum.

    The BBC during the independence celebrations interview congratulated Dr. Riek Machar for the self-determination which has brought the independence. They did not congratulate you, Kiir, Garang or Luk Kuth Dak.

    Many books are written by South Sudanese and foreigners telling the very history of self-determination, how Garang joined it in 2002 and the first time it got into the Sudanese constitution in 1998. Maybe you are not a good reader of books. The latest one is that written by Dr. Lam Akol. It came out last week and those of us in the diaspora already got it.

    The BBC reminded the whole world in that interview with Dr. Riek Machar on focus on Africa programme that it was Dr. Riek Machar who brought independence through self-determination.

    Just keep on arguing for the sake of it. The world will see you as foolish without good reasoning.

    Reply
  • Mi diit
    Mi diit

    Nuer silent majority at its worst.
    Dhalaluak,

    Look at your foolish argument. You are sayiing the 2.5 million people were not killed during the war of Garang and that the Jallaba never killed any civilians. What does that argument mean to you?

    So those antinovs that killed your mums, kids, dads, etc are not from Jallaba, ah?

    Riek Machar never killed any body but some armed Nuer civilians attacked Bor who did not have the courage to defend themselves from their fellow civilians.

    Don’t blame your cowardic on Dr. Riek Machar. Even the Lou-Nuer who were massacred last week by the Murle armed civilians cannot be directly attributed to the Governor of the state, Kuol Manyang Juuk or the Murle leader, Ismail Kony.

    Stop the foolish blame game.

    Reply
  • Achiek Alier Jr
    Achiek Alier Jr

    Nuer silent majority at its worst.
    Mi diit,

    I am a well informed person, don’t waste your time on the pretext that self-determination was brought by Riek Machar, we all know how he went about with SPLM/A Nasir which later became SSIM/A.

    The point is;Dr John Garang signed the peace which earned him the title of the founding father of RSS. Riek tries in KPA but failed like the previous peace. uninform Nuers will continue to follow Riek till the end, but the pride of history was awarded to Dr John during the independent celebration on July 9th.

    What matter in politics kid in the end is whether you have achieved your aspiration. Self-determination is not given on the golden plate, let the people of Darfur have it if its given for granted.

    How many towns did Riek captured from the SAF that earned him a respect to be granted a right of self-determination on the negotiation table? NON, you know that. Self-determination was not Riek invention either, it was the Southern aspiration since the 1947 Juba conference, 1955 Torit rebellion. It was not something new in the political arena of South Sudanese politics. The question was; how can the people of South Sudan be granted their right of self-determination?.Dr John answer was that Southern Sudan can get her aspiration by achieving the balance of power with the Sudanese government.

    He rightly did it by arming the SPLA to the teeth, while Riek failed miserably to armed his troops read (SPLM/A Nasir)book by lam Akol.

    Reply
  • Achiek Alier Jr
    Achiek Alier Jr

    Nuer silent majority at its worst.
    Mi diit,

    Did kuol ordered Murle to killed Nuers?

    Reply
  • Dinka Dominated SPLA/M
    Dinka Dominated SPLA/M

    Nuer silent majority at its worst.
    Dear God in heaven.

    You are doing Good things for south Sudan.

    Now God In heaven is opening the eyes of those who cannot see the evil and tell him that he is a evil.

    God you are great and we are saying thank you for make those people who fail to know their wrong doing.

    Everyone of them has now accepted their wrong doing but you are great and you will make the remain deffenders of wrong to reveal that they are doing wrong to our people.

    God You are big and great which mean you have a power to reform the deform people who love to cover the wrong and peretend that they are doing or were doing right things to the South’s people.

    Reply
  • Kim Deng
    Kim Deng

    Nuer silent majority at its worst.
    Nuer Community traitor (Luk Dak),

    A) SPLM Political Bureau Members:

    1. Dinka—– 11

    2. Nuer—– 3

    3. Others—– 11

    B) GoSS Presidenttial Advisors:

    1. Dinka—– 6

    2. Nuer—– 3

    3. Others—– 5

    C) GoSS Ministers:

    1. Dinka—– 12

    2. Nuer—– 6

    3. Others—– 14

    D) GoSS Independent Commission and Chambers:

    1. Dinak—– 12

    2. Nuer—- 1

    3. Others—– 8

    E) GoSS under Secretaries:

    1. Dinka—– 18

    2. Nuer—– 3

    3. Others—– 19

    F) SPLA, Internal Security & other Security organs:

    1. Dinka—– 9

    2. Nuer—– 1

    3. Others—- 1

    Reply
  • Kim Deng
    Kim Deng

    Nuer silent majority at its worst.
    The “New Sudan,” vision and its effects on Southern Sudanese unification

    By: Kim Deng, Bilpam, South Sudan

    The 1955 Torit mutiny marked the beginning of the 17 year old bush war that was ended by the defunct Anya Nya I and by the Anya-Nya II insurgencies from 1975-1983, were fought on the principle of the right of self-determination-meaning the establishment of an independent and sovereign State in the South. When the Addis Ababa Accord of 1972 was signed as an attempt to bring the country its first civil war [1955-1972] between the government and the rebel’s movement [SSPLM/A] to an end, there was pocket of Anya-Nya One elements who doubted about the implementation of the Accord due to lack of commitment and seriousness from government side.

    These few separatists remained in the bush despite the Accord until many other soldiers rejoined them after Akobo mutiny in 1975 spearheaded by Vincent Kuany Latjor before Bor and Ayod mutinies erupted in 1983 respectively. They became a unified force and carried the name SSLM/A or Anya-Nya II, the only well-known name for many people under the command of CDR. Vincent Kuany Latjor, whereas Bilpam became their Headquarters. There were over 7,000 troops behind SSLM/A [Anya-Nya II] and the objective of their movement was for total separation of the South from the rest of the country unlike SPLA/M with its “New Sudan,” vision.

    After the arrivals of “Newcomers,” as Anya-Nya II call them in 1983, two camps were formed within “New-arrivals/Newcomers.” Camp A was under the leadership of Lt. Col. Sammuel Gai Tut Yang, Mr. Quot Atem and CDR. William Abdalla Chuol Deng. Meanwhile, Camp B, led by Col. Dr. John Garang, CDR. Kerubino Kwanyin Bol and CDR. William Nyuony Bany. The factious between the two camps it is noteworthy mentioned and it was due to two critical following factors. 1) What should be the sole objectives of the movement and its principles? 2) Who shall lead the movement (SPLA/M?) Camp A, proposed that, the objective of the movement shall be “self-determination-meaning complete separation of the country into two independent and sovereign states juxtaposition with Egypt and the North along the Nile Valley and the movement SPLA/M shall be led by Mr. Kuot Atem follow by Lt. Col. Samuel Gai Tut ,” instead Camp B, did not only rejected that proposal, but came up with its own ideology, an ideology of “United Socialist Secular/New Sudan, and the leader of the movement shall be Lt. Col. Samuel Gai Tut Yang follow by Col. Dr. Garang.”

    It took the two camps few months before camp B rushed to use force against camp A due to fact that, the Ethiopian government which sealed a conspiracy and surreptitious deal with Garang against the separatists was acting behind the scene rather than being a mediator between the two rivals. From their last meeting CDR. Rhino William Nyuony Bany who doesn’t care about the human life pulled out his pistol and hold it with his right hand while pointing it at Lt. Col. Samuel Gai Tut and CDR. Cobra Abdallah William Chuol Deng, and said “from today onwards, anyone who appears to oppose Dr. Garang’s leadership and the objective of the movement ‘New Sudan,’ must not be silenced by talks, but bullet.” Camp A, took technical withdrawal from the area (Itang) without a fight just to avoid casualties within the town and to give camp B more time to reverse its dead-end judgments toward South Sudan issues.

    To make the matter worse, after Col. Dr. Garang’s group secured its position against Lt. Col. Samuel Gai Tut’s group, the seizure of Lt. Col. Samuel’s group by Mr. Marxist-Leninist Garang group did not satisfy Garang’s appetite, but went further and channeled his doom plan to annihilate the [Anya-Nya II] in Bilpam by force due to fact that this secessionists’ movement shared the same principles and objectives with camp A. Therefore, to secure the “New Sudan,” vision fully, “the Anya Nya II HQTRs, Bilpam must be destroyed and/or dislodged from its foundation,” Garang declared. And on other hand, Mr. Mengistu Hailemariam of Ethiopia, a man who got separatist rebels’ movements [Woyane & Shabiah] in his own backyard seemed to forget that his government had her own chestnuts roasting in the store for it, impose his socialist ideology on southern Sudanese and that mission must be fulfilled by someone who believes in that vision; “Dr. Garang must be the right person,” according to calculation of “Dergue” regime base on its interests and bipartisan issues between the two allies.

    With no regret, the Ethiopian armed forces along with few elements from Garang’s group launched an assault against the Anya-Nya II position in October 1983 which caught them by surprise. The Anya-Nya II headquarters, Bilpam was not only smashed down to ground, but many separatists’ fighters were eliminated and those who caught alive were ordered to dig out their own graves before executed them by firing-squad if they repudiate joining the former Marxist-Leninist SPLA/M. Of course, many deserters from the Anya-Nya II joined Garang’s group conditionally, amongst them; CDR. John Kulang and CDR. Kuach Kang.

    There exist relationship between the Anya-Nya II and Lt. Col. Samuel Gai Tut’s group came in existence before and after Garang’s group failed to engage Lt. Col. Gai Tut’s Group in dialogues, but in confrontations in Warfield as he [Garang] declared from his under ground rally. Thereafter, Lt. Col. Samuel Gai Tut’s group merged with Anya-Nya under his leadership since Vincent Kuany Latjor the first Anya-Nya II leader was caught alive and sent to very isolated World (prison) after his Headquarters, Bilpam was burned down to ash by the two Marxists (Mengistu & Garang). Without Ethiopian armed forces back-up, can Garang’s group alone be attempted to annihilate Anya-Nya II forces in Bilpam?

    In war, the skin of Fox is at times as necessary as that of a Lion, for cunning may succeed when force fails. Speaking from his underground rally as mentioned so far, in a message to his disciples, he declared that “the first bullet must be fired against the separatists [Anya Nya II,” as an attempt to impose his self-claimed “New Sudan,” vision on Southern Sudanese and hijacked the movement from its founders [separatists] altogether, coincidence?

    A year later, Lt. Col. Samuel Gai Tut’s group [SSLM/A [Anya Nya II] who were expelled from Ethiopia came back to engage Garang’s group through dialogues because there exists the great hope from separatists’ side in the vision of reunification of unionists [SPLA/M] and separatists [Anya-Nya II], as it had been the case against the Dergue regime of Mr. Mengistu Haile Mariam of Ethiopia by the two rebel factions (Woyane & Shabiah/separatists and unionists) who accomplished their mission in May 1991 when they waged a war against the “Dergue” regime under unified force. What if the Sudan’s rebels [Unionists & Separatists] put their differences aside since 1983 and confronted the main enemy, the Khartoum government (NIF/NCP) as a unified force? I leave the answer(s) for you.

    First, they [Anya-Nya II] camped at Mangok, Chatyier and other surrounding areas on their way toward Achua (Itang) where the talks should have been renegotiated. The SPLA/M was reluctant and not fain or serious to deal with Anya-Nya II in dialogues, but in warfare instead. While the Anya-Nya II was waiting for talks to resume once again after their arrival at Itang, the two allies, SPLA/M and Ethiopian armed forces were planning to encircle the Anya-Nya II forces in order to capture their ringleaders alive and/or eliminate/imprison them. This left Lt. Col. Samuel Gai Tut with no other option, but to order his troops to withdraw from the town which they have surrounded for more than a week after he learned that, Ethiopian government and the SPLA/M are not interested in peace talks, but war.

    CDR. Abdallah William Chuol Deng, a man who fears no man on earth, the human toll was the least of his concerns rejected Lt. Col. Gai Tut’s order and wanted the whole town to be burned down to the ground, this prompted Lt. Col. Samuel Gai Tut to order some of his soldiers to tie-up CDR. Cobra Abdallah William Chuol Deng. Lt. Col. Samuel Gai Tut did that not only to avoid heavy casualties which may result mainly on innocent people [women and children] in the town, but also to give Col. Dr. Garang’s group more time to relinquish its poor “New Sudan,” vision for the movement. Lt. Col. Samuel Gai Tut’s last word to Col. Dr. Garang and his subordinates after the talks failed in 1984. Mr. Samuel said, “Mr. Garang, you have not anchored South Sudan to your ‘New Sudan’ vision, but you have anchored your ‘New Sudan,’ vision a unified Sudan to South Sudan. In the end, my friend(s), you’ll find it will not work. It will be ghastlier than you can even imagine.”

    Mr. Marxist-Leninist Garang’s group viewed Lt. Col. Samuel Gai Tut’s group retreat as a defeat of Anya Nya II, and as such; the next step would be “to chase them until their ringleaders are eliminated and/or caught alive.” The second engagement between the Anya-Nya II and SPLA/M at the battle of Thiajak (Adura) was not a big surprise to [Anya-Nya II] and as a result of that clash, the Any-Nya II forces did not only burned down Thiajak which was under the control of SPLA forces at the time, but inflicted heavy loses on unionists’ side, killed many, scattered and pursued those who could run for their safety until they reach Mangok-Chatyier unknowingly. Yet even though, the victory was on the separatists’ side from the battle of Thiajak, a man who loves and value all human being from all walks of life regardless of ethnicities; a man whose vision has been for South Sudan independence; a man who qualified both in politics and military, and above all, the SSLM/A (Anya-Nya II) leader, Lt.Col. Samuel Gai Tut’s life was cut short in that ruthless, aimless and epic conflict between the separatists and unionists just simply because he opposed Mr. Marxist-Leninists Garang’s poor “New Sudan,” vision. This shameful death will never be forgotten for generations to come.

    After receiving the bad news, regarding Lt. Col. Samuel Gai Tut’s death, CDR. Cobra Abdallah William Chuol Deng became wild and ordered the Anya-Nya II troops to “fight like mad dogs against the unionists to the last man.” As a result, many lives were wasted from both sides in many engagements, counterattack after another. The SPLA/M activities were blocked by the Anya-Nya II forces across greater Upper Nile until Lt. Gen. Gordon Koang Chuol declared that, “there is no need for Mr. Garang’s “New Sudan,” vision to keep South Sudan hostage, but to reconcile with unionists and challenge Garang’s “New Sudan,” vision within.”

    DK. Koat Matthew played a crucial role in that strategic move, but a man of his words and fearless man, Lt. Gen. Lion Paulino Matip Nhial declined the move and said, “I’ll never unite the Anya-Nya II with Marxist-Leninist-SPLA/M under Mr. Garang’s leadership with his “New Sudan,” vision. If I do which I doubt, that will be the day when I walk with my feet upside down.” Which mean, over 80% of Anya-Nya II forces under the command of Lt. Gen. Lion Paulino Matip crossed the great Nile from East Bank to the West side, whereas Mayom became their Headquarters, meanwhile the remaining 20% under the command of Lt. Gen. Rhino Gordon Koang merged with SPLA/M, which gave Garang’s group wide-gauge windows to capture many garrisons and towns from the common enemy [NIF/NCP] included Nasir town itself. Then, what if the whole Anya-Nya II [separatists] merged with SPLA/M [unionists] and confronted the common enemy as a unified force regardless of their differences? With no doubt, Mr. Marxist-Leninist Garang’s self-claimed “New Sudan,” vision was a setback to Southern Sudanese unification since 1983 and it brings many advantages to the main enemy beyond unionists’ imagination.

    Reply
  • Kim Deng
    Kim Deng

    Nuer silent majority at its worst.
    The 2nd split between the Separatists and Unionists within SPLA/M in 1991

    There have been many separatists within the SPLA/M since 1983 who believed that Garang’s “New Sudan,” vision must be challenged within until their strategy yielded signal towards Garang’s “New Sudan,” vision in 1991 due to what we call “Nasir move,” the very blessing day for Southern Sudanese, the Nasir declaration of August 28, 1991 which got birth to “self-determination for South Sudan” http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article27738 it divided the movement [SPLA/M] into two factions once again; the SPLA/M-Torit faction under the command of Mr. Marxist-Leninist Garang with his self-claimed “New Sudan/United Secular Sudan,” vision and the SPLM/A-Nasir faction under the leadership of Dr. Riek Machar Teny-Dhurgon with his “self-determination for South Sudan.” http://www.africa.upenn.edu.Hornet/sd_machar.html

    Dr. Riek was compelled to declare Nasir move, not only because Mr. Garang was running the movement like his own property which was acknowledged by Lt. Gen. Salva Kiir after it was already too late in 2004 when he find himself openly at odds with his superior, but due to lack of clear directions, objectives, principles and human rights for/in the movement. Therefore, if the Naath/Nuer as a community has been hungry for leadership as Jaang/Dinka always shamelessly claims it, why would Lt. Col Samuel Gai Tut select Mr. Akuot Atem who is a Dinka by tribe to be the leader of the movement in 1983 if not only the selection was rejected by Mr. Marxist-Leninist Garang? Why would CDR. William Nyuon Bany aim his Pistol at Lt. Col. Samuel Gai Tut, CDR. Copra Abdalla William Chuol Deng and their supporters just to secure another Dinkaman, Mr. Garang’s leadership?

    In the Garangist mental scheme, all the “anti-New Sudan,” who still believes in Anya-Nya II vision of secession must be eliminated. As far as Garang knew, the SPLA forces under his commands had every reason to believe that they had upper hand and that they could make it all the way to Nasir. Garang thought that the SPLM/A-Nasir faction under the command of Dr. Riek was very weak, demoralized and incapable of defending its Headquarters, Nasir let alone taking offensive operations. Shortly after Nasir Declaration of August 28, 1991 was announced, Garang declared, “the Gang of two Drs,” as he prefers to call them [Dr. Riek & Dr. Lam] “must be given their last blow.” He went further, “we will break them down soon, and it is a matter of time before we bring the separatists to the vision of no-return.” After Garang’s statements were intercepted by SPLM/A-Nasir faction, Lt. Gen. Tiger Bol Koang declared that “the very existence of the SPLM/A-Nasir faction is in danger,” and demanded that “all soldiers stand firm and fight to last drop of blood.”

    Not surprisingly, the SPLA/M-Torit faction forces under the command of CDR. Rhino William Nyuony Bany launched and assault which almost routed instantly against the Anya-Nya II position along with few soldiers who appeared to be from SPLA-Nasir faction forces, burned down villages from Nuer Genesis homeland Bentiu [Liech/Unity State] including Leer, Dr. Riek Machar’s hometown. What CDR. William Nyuon and his forces didn’t realize at first was that in the second half of September, Lt. Gen. Lion Paulino Matip already redeploying many of his troops [Anya-Nya II] to prepare for “Operation Typhoon.” Instead of accepting their fate, the Anya-Nya II fought back with a ferocity that stunned the ill-prepared Torit faction. Most of Torit faction soldiers were ground-up by the Anya-Nya II forces. The Anya-Nya II forces under the command of Lt. Gen. Lion Paulino Matip did not only inflicted heavy losses on Torit faction, but pushed back CDR. William’s forces and penetrated deep inside BEG. This campaign against CDR. William’s forces forced them to retreat from the area just when Lt. Gen. Paulino Matip sent in more reinforcements.

    But the SPLA-Torit faction forces under the command of Lt. Gen. Kuol Manyang Juuk and Lt. Gen. Salva Kiir who were deployed from the direction of Kongoor and Pochalla respectively to wipe out Dr. Riek’s force as ordered and predicted by Garang, failed miserably from their suicide attempts, instead encircled and pursued like hunting dogs chase rabbits or deer by Dr. Riek’s forces under the command of Lt. Gen. Tiger Bol Koang and CDR. Tiger Koang Banypiny. As a result, Duk Padiet, Panyagor, Kongoor, Twic East, Mading Bor and all the surrounding garrisons and towns plus some part of BEG were burned down to ashes when the “Operation Typhoon,” was launched as two Heroes [Bol Koang & Koang Banypiny] call it. Garang underestimated the SPLM/A-Nasir faction military strength, but his commanders on the ground knew they were often paying a heavier price for them than expected in terms of casualties-and that, in many areas, the Torit faction advance wasn’t moving as swiftly as they had hoped. Garang’s commanders were preoccupied with the more immediate goal: ensuring that their troops would maintain their progress as they prepared to strike Nasir faction from all directions.

    Dr. Riek ordered his troops to withdraw after reaching Jumeza in greater Equatoria. The SPLA forces under Torit faction suffered tremendous losses and their mission failed miserably to bring “the Gang of two Drs alive or dead and trash the self-determination for South Sudan into garbage bin for good,” as Garang declared earlier before the war widespread like a wildfire beyond his imagination rather than vice-versa. A staggering pace that reflected the disarray of Garang’s subordinates encountered in most of the areas under attack. Torit, Kapoeta, Yei … were on the verge of cowardice and panic mongering evacuation until the common enemy overran almost all the liberated areas without any résistance from Garang’s SPLA/M-Torit faction. Can the unionists stand their ground alone without the separatists’ support?

    Many areas including major towns: Torit, Kapoeta, Mading Bor … were recaptured and/or surrendered to the common enemy as a result of split. The remaining few garrisons and towns under the control of Torit faction were on the verge of panic of evacuation either to Uganda or Kenya refugees camps as well. Garang was blinded by his burning conviction that Torit faction had to defeat and subjugates the Nasir faction, a movement that he contemptuously dismissed as “a Gang of two Drs.” Garang himself suffered a near psychological collapse as his faction looked as though it might implode. Garang’s forces should have been crushed/break down and/or chased up to Kenya/Uganda-Sudan borders if Dr. Riek was for military option rather than reconciliation through peaceful dialogues instead. Garang’s “New Sudan,” vision did not accomplish anything, but setbacks, chaos, death, subjugation by terror and epic conflicts. It was Garang’s ambition in war that compelled Nasir faction to take immediate retaliatory-military countermeasures. The burning questions are: What prompted Garang to be the first to ignite the fire which he could not extinguish? Did Garang’s SPLA/M have the political will and muscles to confront both the main enemy (NIF/NCP) and the separatists at the same time?

    There is no connection between the Nuer vs. Dinka and Separatists’ vs. Unionists. Of course, the armed civilians from subject tribes intervened during confrontations between the unionists and separatists in those dark days, and their intervention should not justify that the war was between the two big tribes rather than reasons suitable to their own interests. There have been ups and downs between these two big rival tribes since 1800s and it still functioning as we speak; Duk Padiet which was burned down to ash twice by Mighty Nuer Warriors/Jech-in-Bor at the presence of GoSS and its army (SSAF), proved beyond the reasonable doubt that Nuer vs. Dinka still exists.

    The Nuer ethnic group has never been thirsty for leadership/ power as some folks may believe especially the Dinka, as a matter of fact the movement [SPLA/M] from its first two years, it was mainly dominated by Nuer ethnic group. The first two battalions [104 & 105] or Jamus & Tumsah almost all the troops were from Nuer tribe and if in doubts, don’t hesitate to consult someone like Lt. Gen. Salva Kiir, Lt. Gen. James Gathoth Mai, Lt. Gen. Oyiey Deng Ajack, Mr. Governor, Taban Deng Gai, S.G. Pagan Amum and Mrs. Nyandeng Mabior, but just for your information.

    Many Anya-Nya II elements that deserted conditionally joined the SPLA/M within 1983. CDR. Rhino William Nyuon Bany who is believed to be the one to bring Garang to power is a Nuer by tribe. Lt. Col. Samuel Gai Tut and his group wanted another Dinkaman, Mr. Kuot Atem to be the leader of the movement, but Garang and his group did not only rejected the offer, instead wanted Garang to lead the movement after the Dergue regime of Mr. Mengistu Hailemariam secured the “ New Sudan,” vision for them. The blessing day for Southern Sudanese, the August 28, 1991 of Nasir Declaration was not a mean to hijack the leadership from Dinka as many people may assume, but a strategic move to force Garang and his supporters to make a U-turn from “United Socialist Secular/New Sudan,” vision to self-determination for the people of Southern Sudan. Therefore, base on all the above mentioned factors, it demonstrated that, the Nuer as a community has never been hungry for leadership/power and this must refute Dinkas’ claims.

    And of course, as a result of Nasir move, Garang divorced and abandoned the alliance, called SPLA/M 1st National Convent at Chukudum in 1994 and the self-determination for South Sudan was the first agenda in that Convention. The movement changed from its former name SPLA/M as it was well-known back then to SPLM/A. Garang put self-determination for South Sudan to be the first agenda/priority whenever there is a peace talks with Khartoum government and Garang himself eventually signed for it, the self-determination for people of Southern Sudan in CPA. Garang gave up his “New Sudan,” vision, a vision he always refers as a “vision of no-return.” This raised too many unsettling questions from his allies especially the inner circle of NDA, Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile who were oblivious and betrayed at the same time by his self-observed “New Sudan,” vision until they realized that Garang shamelessly made a U-turn which left them in illusion.

    The right of self-determination has been eloquently championed and articulated nationally and internationally by the Anya Nya II movement since 1975 until SPLM/A-Nasir faction joined those Separatists thereafter the Nasir Declaration on August 28, 1991 was declared. It has a democratic and an inalienable right to all people as well as conflict resolutions. The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) an umbrella of the traditional Northern political parties, the Marxist-Leninist SPLA/M and the National Islamic Fundamentalist (NIF/NCP) regime in Khartoum were all asthmatic to concept of the right of self-determination. Thus, no matter what the so called traditional parties do, they do not have the trust and confident of the South for their deception and unilateral abrogation and dishonored of many agreements. The SPLA/M alliance with NDA was a repeat of the past, which SPLA/M should have not fail to understand its future implications for the South once the so called NDA gets the grip of the wheels of power in Khartoum.

    Then, why remain separated if the former Marxist-Leninist SPLA/M led by Garang relinquished its “New Sudan,” vision after it was forced by Nasir move to adopt the only sole objective of the movement, the self-determination for South Sudan? Leadership has never been a big concern from separatists’ political point of view since 1975 as some people shamelessly may believe, but directions, objectives, principles and human rights for/in the movement. The SPLA/M division between the separatists and unionists should not justify the merits to classify the SPLM/A and/or GoSS as a Dinka movement/gov’t just simply because the two leaders, Col. Dr. Garang and Lt. Gen. Salva Kiir hail from that ethnic group. If this is the case, as some folks claim it, Lt. Col. Samuel Gai Tut, Col. Dr. Garang plus many others should have not joined the Anya-Nya I [SSLM/A] under the leadership of Joseph Lagu, but viewed it as Baria’s movement.

    Kim Deng is a military Historian, SSAF officer from Headquarters, Bilpam and he can be reached at kdeng75@yahoo.

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  • Kim Deng
    Kim Deng

    Nuer silent majority at its worst.
    By Gatkuoth Lam

    July 3, 2008 — Members of the Dinka Bor community around the world have turned the 28th August a day on which they propagate every year claiming that thousands of their community members were massacred in Bor town in 1991 by the then forces of the SPLM/A-Nasir faction led by Dr. Riek Machar Teny-Dhurgon.

    Dr. Machar defected with Commander Dr. Lam Akol Ajawin and Commander Gordon Koang Chol with their forces in a historic move for better change from the old SPLM/A led by the late, Dr. John Garang de Mabior, which Garang then re-named ‘SPLM/A-Torit faction’ after the split. The move was declared on 28th August 1991 in Nasir town in Upper Nile region. The reasons for the split were clearly articulated by the then SPLM/A-Nasir faction leadership and were understood and still being understood by the concerned people of Southern Sudan in particular and the international community at large. Before the split, the SPLM/A had no clear objective for which the people of Southern Sudan fought and lost two million souls. There were no proper structures put in place for clear responsibilities, which would also guarantee collective decision making in strategizing for the Movement’s programs and executing its war against the Khartoum government. There were also gross violations of human rights by late Garang’s leadership. Dr. Garang was using the Movement as his own property. I will shed some light on these issues in the next paragraphs below.

    Since the inception of the SPLM/A in 1983 until 1991, if you asked any SPLA officer what he was fighting for, he would not provide a clear answer simply because he did not know what he was fighting for – or simply say he was not enlightened on the cause of war. I remember when I was in Itang in 1986 and asked a friend of mine who was also a SPLA officer what he was fighting for, he just replied “I don’t know but John Garang knows”. And he continued to say “to me I think we are fighting to liberate South Sudan territory from the Arabs who dominate us.” Even those who thought to be SPLM politicians were not sure about the objective for which the war was launched. And to inquire that from Garang himself for possible correction was deadly.. Tens of thousands of SPLA soldiers lost their lives in battles while not clear about the cause they died for and the destiny they wanted to reach and achieve. This was the pre-1991 situation in the Movement.

    There were no proper structures established in the Movement although there were sufficient educated SPLM cadres who could run every necessary structure if established at the time for better strategies on policies and successful execution of the war. Dr. Garang instead established only what he called ‘Political Military High Command’ in 1980s in which he installed semi-literate personalities on most senior positions in that single structure. Dr. Machar was a member of that structure, but intentionally put in the bottom of the list by Garang. The Political Military High Command was mandated by Garang himself to look into matters related to both political and military. The group’s most powerful personalities lacked any political experience and could not even see what was wrong with the objective of the Movement, let alone the importance of establishing a separate structure for SPLM. The way they executed the war was not also professional and this might explain why they could not capture a single major city among the three capital cities of the three regions in the South for twenty one years until the CPA found a way out in early 2005. Worst of all, members of the Political Military High Command could not meet to decide what to do next as a collective body. Many of them did not even know their faces, they just heard of each other’s existence somewhere. Those who were fighting in the battle fields like Dr. Riek Machar in the early years of SPLM/A were depending on orders from Dr. John Garang without their views being put into consideration on how to effectively wage the war.

    Late Garang also conspired against his colleagues he perceived to be a threat to his leadership because of they were highly educated. He used to expose PhD holders to battle fields instead of utilizing them to formulate policies for the SPLM as a political wing.

    He ordered Dr. Peter Adwok Nyaba to attack the government forces with child-soldiers in Jokou town. Dr. Nyaba lost one of his legs in the operation and came back with few survivors of his child-soldiers.

    Garang also ordered Dr. Riek Machar Teny, another PhD holder in Strategic Planning in Industry to attack Malut in Upper Nile, which Dr. Machar captured in mid 1980s. After capturing Malut, Garang ordered Machar again to move up to Mayom in Unity state to capture it where the present President of the Republic, Omer Hassen el Beshir was the commanding officer in Mayom before he became the President in 1989. Dr. Machar’s forces got into very fierce battles with Beshir’s forces. His forces wounded Beshir in his leg, but failed to capture the town because they could not get reinforcement.

    Late Garang also ordered Dr. Lam Akol Ajawin, another PhD holder in Petroleum Engineering to move to eastern Upper Nile to command SPLA forces in the area in 1980s.

    Gross human rights violations were committed by late Garang’s forces against a number of ethnic groups in Southern Sudan, which included massacres. One of the worst massacres committed by Garang was the war he launched against the Gaajaak sub-clan of Jikany Nuer in 1985. The war was launched against the whole sub-clan simply because of an argument over fish between a villager of the sub-clan and a SPLA soldier. The villager went fishing with some of his colleagues, caught a fish and was ready to take it home. Some SPLA soldiers came to the river, and as it was common behavior among the forces at that time, wanted to take the fish by force from the villager. The villager resisted and was then shot dead by one of the SPLA soldiers. Villagers from a nearby village heard the gun shot, rushed to the scene and found their colleague dead. They immediately retaliated by killing a number of SPLA soldiers on the spot. The remnants of those soldiers ran for their lives back to Bilpam, which was the then SPLA General Headquarters on the Ethiopian border. They reported the incident at the Headquarters. The SPLM/A leadership was furious and decided that the whole sub-clan be disciplined by wiping them out of their villages. This was how the war against the Gaajaak sub-clan of the Jikany-Nuer started in 1985, resulting in untold massacres of human beings and their cattle.

    Many people who used to hear late Garang’s ambitious comments on the territory occupied by the Gaajaak sub-clan before the war knew that the fish incident was used as a pretext for war against the Gaajaak. Dr. Garang used to tell his Bor intellectuals that the territory occupied by Gaajaak was in fact a Dinka Bor land. He used to explain that the Dinka Bor community was displaced from the land during the Nuer expansion from Bentiu in Western Upper Nile hundreds of years ago. Perhaps by wiping out the Gaajaak from the territory, he would have encouraged the Dinka Bor community to resettle in the land so that they border Ethiopia and resolve their current status of being landlocked in the Bor’s tiny territory in Jonglei. He was not happy also with the way the Nuer inhabit a huge territory without being isolated by other tribes – their land which extends from Western Upper Nile bordering the Nuba Mountains in Southern Kordofan in the north across the River Nile in Upper Nile region up to the Ethiopian border in the East.

    Dr. Garang dispatched both late Kerubino Kwanyin Bol and late William Nyuon Bany to personally command that war against the Gaajaak sub-clan. For those of you with short-lived memories, late Commander Kerubino Kwanyin Bol was the Deputy Chairman of the SPLM and Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the SPLA forces. He was number two to Dr. John Garang. Late Commander William Nyuon Bany was the Chief of Staff of the SPLA forces; the post previously occupied by Comrade Salva Kiir Mayardit and currently occupied by Comrade Lt.. General Oyai Deng Ajak. You can imagine how Garang was determined to entirely wipe out the Gaajaak by letting loose those powerful military commanders to massacre the unarmed Gaajaak sub-clan. Both Kerubino and William went to the battle fields to personally command the fighting. The war resulted into untold losses where thousands of people were killed, several villages completely wiped out and burnt to ashes. However, the SPLA won some of the battles but lost the war against the community! Dr. Garang failed to get the territory back to Dinka Bor community. In that war against a sub-clan, the SPLM/A lost a highly educated son of Southern Sudan, Dr. Francis Ngor, a PhD holder after late Garang ordered him to command a force against the community and his forces were annihilated. He was captured and killed by the villagers on spot.

    The two parties finally decided to stop the fighting and came back to the peace table and forgave themselves for the sin. That crime against humanity committed by Dr. Garang against the Gaajaak community might have been forgiven but not forgotten. Of course the Gaajaak community may not file criminal cases in The Hague against those three most powerful leaders of the SPLM/A at the time because they are no longer with us on this earth. I personally ask God to forgive late Garang and his colleagues.

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  • Kim Deng
    Kim Deng

    Nuer silent majority at its worst.
    Similar atrocities were also committed against other ethnic groups in the South such as the Toposa, Murle, etc. by Dr. Garang’s forces in the 1990s. All are documented!

    The claim by the Dinka Bor community intellectuals that the 1991 SPLM/A split resulted in the massacre of Bor by the then Nasir faction leadership was and still a propaganda campaign against personalities like Dr. Riek Machar. Of course, there was a fight over Bor town which actually resulted in the lost of, maybe, thousands of lives. This cannot be disputed! But who can the Bor personally hold responsible? The fight over the control of Bor town to my best knowledge was not ordered by the leader of the then SPLM/A-Nasir faction, Dr. Riek Machar Teny-Dhurgon. These were some of Dr. Machar’s military officers who felt very angry after hearing the news that Garang’s forces were killing in cold blood Nuer officers who were on Garang’s side in Equatoria region. Dr. Garang’s forces, particularly from the Dinka ethnic group decided to kill in cold blood every Nuer officer on their side in Torit town simply because a Nuer leader has challenged Garang’s leadership in Nasir town.

    These angry Nuer military officers from the SPLM/A Nasir faction mobilized some of the Nuer armed civilians who are neighbours to Dinka Bor and attacked Bor town. They had fierce battle with Garang’s forces stationed in the town. After several hours of fighting they overran the town, which resulted in lost of hundreds or thousands of lives and massive displacement of Dinka Bor population up to Equatoria region. I personally feel sad about the incident. But the Dinka Bor community members should not use it as a propaganda campaign against Dr. Riek Machar for reasons best known to them. This is a pointed finger at the wrong person. They should learn the truth about the incident, what provoked it and who organized the attacks.

    The same was true with the attack on Malakal town in 1993 by the armed Nuer civilians organized by the late Wurnyang Garkek. Late Wurnyang claimed to have been possessed by God’s spirits and that the spirits directed him to help liberate the South. He successfully organized a force that was popularly known as the ‘White Army’ from the Nuer civil population and ordered them to capture the capital of Upper Nile region, Malakal. They attacked the town and captured about seventy-five percent (75%) of the town. The Sudan government forces held certain positions in the outskirts of the town. Because Wurnyang’s armed civilians were not trained soldiers and had no supplies of ammunitions, when they realized that they were running out of ammunitions, they started shouting in the town calling on their individual colleagues to supply them with some bullets if they had plenty. The government soldiers came to realize that these were just armed civilians and that they had run out of ammunitions. The government forces gave them a final full thrust and chased them out of the town. The town again fell under the full control of the government’s forces. The government forces first thought it was Dr. Riek Machar’s forces attacking the town, but this turned out to be somebody else organizing and ordering the attack on Malakal town.

    To me, as a person who has been in the SPLM/A since its inception in 1983, I see the 28th August 1991, split as one of the most blessings the people of Southern Sudan have received from their creator. Of course, the split resulted into setbacks when it came to military activities against the Khartoum government, but has revolutionized the SPLM system and set a clear objective for the satisfaction and achievement of the aspirations of the people of Southern Sudan.

    The 28th August 1991 Nasir Declaration, which was code-named ‘The Creeping Revolution’ under the then leadership of Dr. Riek Machar Teny-Dhurgon, called for Self-determination for the people of Southern Sudan to determine their political destiny. This is to be determined in a referendum on vote for separation or unity and to be supervised internationally in Southern Sudan. This patriotic call by the people of Southern Sudan was resisted by late Dr. Garang until the year 2002. Garang was instead calling for a United New Socialist Sudan in the 1980s (a vision he copied from Ethiopian President Mengistu Haile Mariam’s New Socialist Ethiopia). After Mengistu was overthrown, he then changed the vision in 1990s to a United Secular Sudan (or New Sudan as he called it). The viability of this big dream or vision was in question as many people saw and still see it as just a beautiful dream but unrealistic in its achievement and was meant to confuse the cause of the people of Southern Sudan given the complexity of the problems in the Sudan and their deep rooted origins. Subsequent American administrations in Washington DC dream of a ‘New World Order’ which they now find unrealistic to achieve for the whole world. Every body can dream beautifully, but making the dream come true is the question. We need to be realistic in our visions!

    The 28th August 1991 Declaration also called for democratization of the Movement by putting its structures in place, particularly the arm of the SPLM which was treated subordinate and incorporated into the arm of the SPLA by Garang’s leadership. This explains why in the old days of the Movement, Dr. Garang put the SPLA first by calling the Movement the ‘SPLA/SPLM’ instead of the ‘SPLM/SPLA’. This was corrected after the 1991 historic move for better change. The Movement was also lacking its legal institutions. Garang was every thing! After being challenged reasonably by the Nasir faction leadership on these issues, he reacted by organizing and calling for the First SPLM National Convention in Chukudum in 1995. Before the Convention, and in the months leading to the time the Convention was called for, Garang felt much pressure on his leadership from within his faction and began to understand the need to establish structures for the Movement. There were voices who called for change on how the Movement was being run by one man.

    For fear that many more intellectuals and military Commanders would continue to defect to Dr. Riek Machar’s faction, Dr. Garang found himself toothless and could not resort to his old ways of either murdering his political and military opponents from within in cold blood or silencing them in prisons without trial. His leadership survival at that time after the split significantly depended on how Dr. Machar would handle his coup against him. If Dr. Machar were to choose to overthrow Garang militarily as the last resort by attacking his positions in Equatoria region, Garang’s leadership would have come to pass in those years. Machar instead chose to engage Garang in dialogue to resolve the issues that caused the split and would only fight in self-defense if Garang attacked his positions. This helped Garang to re-organize his forces that were in the state of panic. Luckily and by chance, Garang used Machar’s peace talks with the Khartoum government to accuse him of collaborating with Khartoum. This also helped him to regain support from those in the region and Western world who wanted the war to continue in Southern Sudan. Dr. Machar’s position not to escalate fighting by removing Garang using military might in Equatoria region, where he shifted his bases and fighting force, resulted in sharp disagreements with his colleagues which also resulted in further splits within the Nasir faction. Can you see this dilemma which was not completely taken note of by Garang’s faction?

    The 28th August 1991 popular Declaration prompted its leadership to strategize on how the liberation struggle could be achieved. The leadership chose the path of peace as the way forward. They engaged themselves in a series of peace talks with the present government in Khartoum in Abuja One and Abuja Two and subsequently signed the Khartoum Peace Agreement in 1997. Dr. Riek Machar incorporated other factions which also defected from late Dr. Garang’s faction and became their overall leader. These factions included the Bahr El-Ghazal Group (BGG), led by late Kerubino Kwanyin Bol, the Bor Group (BG), led by late Arok Thon Arok, the Equatoria Defense Forces (EDF), led by Dr. Theophillus Ochang Lotti, and some other groups. Dr. Machar signed the famous Khartoum Peace Agreement (KPA) on behalf of all the factions that joined his Movement, the South Sudan Independence Movement (SSIM) with its military wing, the South Sudan Defense Forces (SSDF). For the first time in the history of the Sudan, the Khartoum government conceded the right of self-determination for the people of Southern Sudan in the Agreement. This was also enshrined in the National Constitution of the Sudan in 1998, which clearly articulated that this right would be exercised in an internationally supervised referendum after four years from 1997. The referendum was to be exercised in Southern Sudan in the year 2001 about seven years ago.

    Dr. Garang at the time vowed that he would not sign any agreement with the Khartoum government under President Omer Hassen El – Beshir. He used to say that the Khartoum government was too deformed to be reformed and that he wanted it removed by military force. He called the Khartoum Peace Agreement a sell out despite the inclusion of the clause ‘self-determination’ in it plus many more achievements including Southern Sudan retaining a separate army. The significant thing I personally feel was missing in the Khartoum Peace Agreement was the involvement of the international community, which distanced itself from the Khartoum Peace Agreement on a number of interests that I don’t want to write about here. The Khartoum Peace Agreement, like any other agreements signed in Sudan, was violated by the Khartoum government in the year 2000. Dr. Machar, after championing self-determination in the Agreement, decided to resort to other strategies back in the bush to bring late Dr. John Garang to the developing peace process and indirectly revive the Khartoum Peace Agreement in a comprehensive form based on self-determination!

    On 6th January 2002, the two factions of Dr. Machar and Dr. Garang merged in Nairobi. This time with bold declaration that the two groups agreed to resolve the issues that led to the split within the SPLM/A on 28th August 1991.. The right of self-determination for the people of Southern Sudan as called for in the Nasir Declaration was officially accepted and became the official objective of the Movement to determine the future political status of the people of Southern Sudan. Democratization of the Movement and respect for human rights were re-affirmed because Garang had already adopted these principles after the 1991 split and before the merger in 2002. But the Merger Agreement recognized that more work needed to be done on these principles. The Nairobi Merger Agreement also called for a Second SPLM National Convention to be held within three months to elect the leadership of the ‘new’ SPLM. Dr. Garang delayed the convening of the Convention indefinitely for fear of being defeated in the election by Dr. Machar or any other candidate. The Merger Agreement also called for serious revival and resumption of peace talks with the Khartoum government.

    As a result of the Merger Agreement between the two leaders with renewed spirit and quest for peace, just after six months from the merger, the first protocol of the CPA on self-determination for the people of Southern Sudan was signed in Machakos, Kenya in July 2002. Commander Salva Kiir Mayardit, the then Deputy Chairman for Military Affairs signed the Protocol on behalf of the SPLM/A. The road to peace became irreversible!

    On 9th January 2005, the SPLM/A and the National Congress Party-led government signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). Dr. Garang signed on behalf of the Movement while the then First Vice President of the Sudan, Ali Osman Mohamed Taha, signed on behalf of the Sudan government. If you read the CPA in comparison with the Khartoum Peace Agreement, you would be convinced that the CPA is not more than a revised text of the Khartoum Peace Agreement with the exception of the international support and the United Nations Peace Keeping Forces in the South. However, the effectiveness or not of the international support and the UN Peacekeeping forces in Southern Sudan is another thing one may evaluate.

    The clear message I want to send to those who might have been blinded by tribal sentiments and cheap propaganda against leaders who have greatly contributed or actually revolutionized our way forward as the people of Southern Sudan is that they should get realistic and honour these great leaders like Dr. Machar with utmost respect.. 28th August 1991 Declaration should not be used for negative propaganda, but instead be remembered as a blessed birth day on which a clear path for the liberation and freedom of the people of Southern Sudan was set. The road to our freedom is still long and painful! We need to get united as one people with one objective that will lead us to our desired destiny. Propagating on the so-called Dinka Bor massacres with fabricated negative stories attributed to innocent and great leaders like Dr. Riek Machar will not help the cause the Dinka Bor want to achieve in Southern Sudan or in a united Sudan.

    The author is based in southern Sudan.

    Reply
  • Kim Deng
    Kim Deng

    Nuer silent majority at its worst.
    Nuer occupation/invasions and their effects on other Jurs (Dinka, Anyuak, Burun…)

    The vast area appropriated by the Nuer during the nineteenth century was formerly occupied by a Dinka, Anyuak and Burun population. The fate of this population is one of the most interesting questions pertaining to Nuer expansion. How many Dinka, Anyuak, Burun… were killed by the Nuer? How many died of starvation? How many migrated to other areas? And how many were assimilated into Nuer community?

    Although Nuer territorial appropriation had virtually ceased by the early 1800s, the Nuer continued to raid/invade the Dinka for cattle, Anyuak and Burun for land until present.

    Three large-scale Nuer raids against the Southern Dinka that took place in 1914, 1916, and 1928 are of particular interest. In each of these instances the Nuer Warriors penetrated over ninety miles into Dinka territory and twice captured over five thousand head of cattle. These raids/invasions were, in many respects, comparable to the initial thrusts of the Nuer during their earlier period of territorial expansion, and document the scale of devastation wrought by Nuer aggression.

    During the closing phase of Nuer expansion, the Gaawar and Lou Nuer pushed the Ric, Ghol, and Nyarraweng Dinka south as far as Faijing in present-day Twij County. The Nuer progressively gained the upper hand in these conflicts, and in 1906 launched a large-scale raid on the Faijing settlement that forced the Dinka to withdraw about sixteen miles further south to Kongor. Then in 1908 the Gaawar Nuer attacked the Dinka at Kongor, burning their crops and settlements, killing over a hundred people and took over eighty captives mostly young girls.

    In 1908-10, the British sought to end the Nuer occupation toward Dinkaland and established control over the area. A new border between the Nuer and Dinka was established at the favor of Dinka at Duk Padiet, fifty miles north of Kongor, and the Ghol, Ric, and Nyarraweng were awarded about four thousand aquare miles of territory they had previously lost during Nuer expansion. Although a substantial portion of this grant represented an uninhabited no-man’s-land between the Nuer and the Dinka, the Nuer were also required to relinquish territory under active occupation. The Nuer undoubtedly viewed the transfer as a government-sponsored Dinka invasion.

    In February, 1910, several months before the Duk Padiet post was established, the Gaawar Nuer attacked a group of Ghol Dinka who had precipitously reoccupied Faijing, kill over two hundred individuals and captured ninety captives along with countless cattle. Less than five days later, a large party of Lou Nuer crossed the government-delineated border and overran the Ghol and Nyarraweng Dinka villages around Duk Padiet, capturing five thousands head of cattle and inflicting “severe losses” on the Dinka populace. The police post at Duk Padiet was also attacked, but the Nuer Warriors were repulsed, losing twenty-six men while killing six policemen and wounding three in the engagement.

    The Nuer Warriors raiding party pressed south to within a few hours walk of the government station at Bor, ninety miles deep into Dinka territory. In the course of these raids/invasions they captured “large numbers” of cattle, young women, and children (in addition to the five thousand cattle noted above). In the area under attack, the Bor Dinka “suffered very severely” (ibid.). After a span of less than three weeks, the Nuer Warriors successfully withdrew with their spoils.

    Elements of the Ghol and Nyarraweng Dinka who fled the Nuer advance were reportedly harried by the Twij Dinka, who “stole all the women and cattle they could lay hands on.” Two other large groups of Dinka refugees moved north into Nuer territory in an attempt to evade the Lou Nuer onslaught.

    In May 1916, the Nuer Warriors again struck deep into Dinka territory, penetrating to within twenty miles of the Bor post. At this point, a contingent of 500 Nuer tribesmen was spotted by Dinka scouts sent out to reconnoiter, and a large number of Dinka accompanied by a Sudanese army officer and some soldiers moved out to intercept them. After initial contact was made, the Nuer retreated with the soldiers and Dinka in pursuit. Employing a stratagem they were to use on other occasions, the Nuer thus drew their antagonists into an ambush. Suddenly, the Nuer Warriors were heavily reinforced and attacked in strength, slaughtering, scattering the Dinka and wiping the army detachment and kill them all to the last man.

    The following year (1917) the British launched a major punitive expedition against the Lou Nuer, resulted in heavy casualties have been inflicted on both sides. Few days later, the Gaawar and elements of Lou Nuer launched a large-scale raid that penetrated deep into Southern Dinka territory, following the now familiar pattern established in 1914 and 1916. Seventy villages were burned down to ashes and the crops destroyed, over two hundred Dinka were killed, four hundred young women and children were taken as captives and three thousand cattle taken. A Nuer raiding party with an estimated strength of fifteen hundred Warriors also attacked the government post at Duk Faiwil in the course of this raid. The Nuer succeeded in driving off fifty head of government cattle, but suffered heavy casualties: forty-eight men killed and eighty wounded.

    Being further removed from early incursions of the Nuer, the Twi, like the Bor, have suffered far less from yearly raids/invasions and have fattened upon their brother Dinka’s misfortunes. There is no doubt that they (the Twi) regarded the yearly flight for refuge into their country by the Nyarraweng and Ric as a chance for profit and were in the habit of annexing a large percentage of the herds of these tribes when the latter retired disorganized upon them for support.

    Dinka alliance with the Nuer had analogous effects. The alliance of a Dinak tribal section with a segment of one Nuer tribe provided security against raids by other Nuer only for that particular Dinka section, and only if the latter lived among their Nuer kin and affine. Moreover, the presence of such Dinka elements within a Nuer tribe did not deter them from raiding other Dinka (including, in some instances, other sections of the same Dinka tribe). Since Dinka refugees were often derived of their cattle by members of other Dinka tribes, they were not reluctant to urge their Nuer hosts to raid/invade the latter.

    The Nuer Warriors typically attack a Dinka village at dawn when the cattle are lodged in shelters or tethered near the homesteads. As a result of Nuer Warriors invasions, many Dinka families come into Nuer country to escape hunger and the other attendant miseries to which they have been reduced by constant Nuer raiding/invasion that always leave them cattleless. The Dinka seldom offer any concert resistance, but rather sought to escape with as many cattle as possible. Later a counterattack might be undertaken with the aid of reinforcements from other communities. This strategy of initial withdrawal conceded the destruction of the settlement and in harvest season raids, the loss of grain supplies.

    In 1912, the Eastern Jikany Nuer and Lou Nuer undertook their own reprisal against the Anyuak. The Nuer Warrios invasion/raid was directed against the Anyuak villages on the North bank of the Baro/Sobat River from the Ethiopian border to Itang/Achua, a distance about fifty miles. Later reports indicated “All the villages in this formerly prosperous neighborhood have been devastated.

    Ten Nuer contigents of three hundred men each could simultaneously attack as many communities and later regroup at one or two captured villages with their stolen cattle to await any counterattack that might be launched. A large [Raik Dinka] raiding surprised a Nuer village and, Dinka-like, sat down to a happy day wrangling over the spoil. It was their last, for meanwhile the Nuer Warriors surrounded them, and in the ensuing panic slaughtered them to the last man.

    The discipline of Nuer forces is also demonstrated by a remarkable capacity of continues to press and assault while sustaining very heavy casualties. When, the Eastern Jikany Nuer Warriors were attacked early in 1912 by a heavy armed Ethiopian force of Gala/Oromo and Amhara, intent on taking slaves, the Nuer lost over 100 men in the course of overrunning the invaders’ machine gun emplacement. The invaders’ (Ethiopians) mission was not only failed, but also lost over 300 soldiers and 50 missing. The Nuer also made a number of concerted attacks on fortified government posts. In one instance in which a Nuer raiding party was intercepted by a government patrol, the Nuer lost 85 men in the initial engagement but nevertheless counterattacked the same night and again the following day before withdrawing to home territory.

    It is also quite clear that Nuer military domination of the Dinka and other Jurs was grounded in their capacity to field a numerically superior fighting force, and in the organizational features through which mobilization on a large scale was effective. Other aspects of the Nuer advantage were secondary and derivative. Nuer Warriors tactics are relatively simple and straightforward.

    Systematic Nuer cattle raids/invasions, conducted on an annual basis, created a periphery of debilitated Dinka communities that yielded readily to Nuer territorial appropriation. Seasoned Nuer raiding parties were pitted against famine-ridden Dinka groups struggling to survive through periods of scarcity resulting from previous raids. Under the circumstances it is not surprising that the Dinka were unable to mount any effective resistance to continuing Nuer territorial expansion.

    As this expansion proceeded, displaced Dinka groups were pushed into adjacent areas where they came into conflict with the existing population whose land and grazing rights they infringed. These conflicts undoubtedly contributed to a lack of unity in meeting subsequent Nuer attacks. Successful Nuer cattle raids thus engendered conditions favorable to territorial expansion, and the continuation of this expansion was further facilitated by the aftermath of prior Dinka defeat.

    Persons of the Dinka decent form probably at least half the population of most [Nuer] sub-tribes. These Dinka are either children of captives or immigrants who have been brought up as Nuer, or are themselves captives and immigrants who are residing permanently among Nuer. They are “Jaang-Nath,” “Dinka-Nuer,” and, it is said, “caa Naath,” “they have become Nuer.”

    There must also have been pockets of the original Dinka, Anyuak and Burun occupants of the country overrun by the Nuer Warriors who submitted and gave up their language and habits in favor of those of the Nuer. At any rate, there are today in all Nuer sub-tribes many small Dinka lineages and village are often named after them (Dinka, Anyuak, Burun…)

    Nuer raids/invasions always resulted in the capture of substantial numbers of young women and children. Captives taken by the Nuer always includes boys, girls, and young women of
    Marriageable age, but the captives always outnumber the casualties inflicted on Dinka, Anyuak, Burun… by the Nuer Warriors. The loss of a single productive female is thus estimated to reduce her natal population by 3.4 individuals several generations later, and to add a like increment to the population she joins.

    The capture of 372 young women and girls a year during the period of 1818 to 1905 would remove 32,625 productive females from the Central Dinka and Anyuak population and thus eventually decrease that population by 110,915 individuals. The capture of 125 boys a year over the same period would decrease the Central Dinka and Anyuak population by an additional 5,250 persons. In sum, the proposed rate of capture would effectively transfer 116,165 persons from Central Dinka and Anyuak population to that of the Nuer.

    North of the Sobat River, the British faced even more formidable and intransigent opposition from the Eastern Jikany Nuer who lived along the Ethiopian frontier. They were well armed with rifles and ammunitions from Ethiopia and raid neighbors, the Burun and Koma to the North, the Dinka and Anyuak to the South – as well as Ethiopian tribes in the Western foothills.

    Under the command of Lt. Col. Bacon a powerful patrol was finally launched against the Eastern Jikany Nuer from Nasir in January 1920, complete with machine guns and airplanes. The three sections of Eastern Jikany Nuer Warriors attacked the advanced troops; sustaining heavy losses conflicted on both sides including the life of Lt. Col. Bacon. The Jikany Warriors were led by Captain of war, Mr. Mut Dung

    The Lou Nuer thus renewed their raids on the Dinka, while the Eastern Jikany Nuer attacked the Burun to the northeast. The later were as yet outside the sphere of British administrative attention and could be raided without interference. The intensity of Eastern Jikany Nuer raids on the Burun later became apparent when the colonial administration began to be extended into this area reporting improved.

    There were fifteen raids in 1919 and eight in 1920 before the “Systematic bombing and gunning,” of Eastern Jikany Nuer settlements by the Royal Air Force (F.A.F.) ended the Jikany offensive. In 1927, the Lou Nuer was thought to be planning a major offensive against the Dinka. This prompted a series of government patrols that thought unsuccessfully to arrest the Prophet Guek, believed to be the source of Lou Nuer “unrest.” Government action included the R.A.F bombing of Pyramid of Prophet Ngundeng, which was both a religious shrine and Guek’s home base.

    The record of the early colonial period reveals that the Dinka counterattacked Nuer raiding parties only when the later were quite small or when government troops spearheaded the counteroffensive. On two occasions when the Dinka joined the government forces in operations against large-scale Nuer raiding parties, they suffered devastating defeats. A single column which encountered resistance from a combined force of Dinka and government troops withdrew in apparent disarray with the Dinka in hot pursuit, while some of the Nuer Warriors feigned disorderly retreat. The majority ambushed the Dinka from two sides inflicting heavy casualties.

    There are no recorded instances in which the Dinka succeeded in countering a large-scale Nuer offensive without government assistance, despite the fact that they were issued guns and ammunitions by the government and hold a strong advantage in this respect. The Dinka were evidently incapable of mounting an offensive counteroffensive that would have tied down Nuer forces in defense of home territory and were likewise unable to recoup their steady losses in cattle and land. The Nuer were thus free to leave their villages undefended while they engaged in extended raids, operating from bases established in conquered Dinka villages. Although a Dinka counteroffensive against undermanned Nuer communities undoubtedly would have curtailed extended Nuer raids and offered highly favorable prospects for capturing large numbers of cattle, there is no evidence that the Dinka ever adopted this strategy. Moreover, the Dinka were unable to mobilize a defensive force equivalent in size to the eighteen hundred men who comprised a large raiding party and were consequently unable to contain their advance.

    Lacking the capacity to mount an offensive counterattack, the Dinka, Anyuak, Burun… had no recourse other than withdrawal. Under these circumstances, the rapid Nuer Conquest/occupation of the vast Western Dinka region [Mayom, Mankien…], Southern Dinka region [Nyuong Nuer territory], Central Dinka region [Fangak, Ayod, Waat…], Eastern Dinka, Anyuak and Burun region [Eastern Jikany Nuer and Lou Nuer territory] is not difficult to understand.

    Had the Nuer ever wished to occupy the whole greater Upper Nile, from Renk to Mading Bor and from Ruweng/Biemnom to Buma-Gambella, it seems unlikely that the other coward Jurs (Jaang, Teet, Bar, Chai…) could have stopped them.

    RS: NUER CONQUEST

    Reply
  • Deng Sam Malek
    Deng Sam Malek

    Nuer silent majority at its worst.
    Mr Kim, i thought you are military historian but not Nuer historian.You started very well with the narrative and ended calling others cowards. Does that mean you are a biased military historian? Throughout your essays, you are talking about the goodness of Nasir faction. Where is SPLA/M good part? Does that mean you are hired to use your position as a wet blanket to those who seem not to compromise some wrong doings? I am a seasoned student of data and i have been very kind to quote the figures you stated in your last article.You seem to be a big fan of theft and destruction because of the way you kept on praising those who looted people’s belongings and simultaneously killed them.Are you trying to bless the wrong doing? Luk Kuth Dak must be right to express this publicly.
    One thing that will fail good writers like you, is the issue of tribal mind.Tribalism at its best is terrible, and this one of ours, in its magnitude and duration, is one of the most terrible that someone like you who is above 18 years should not love to teach young ones.Another problem with you is generalisation. Not all Dinka Bor hate Dr Riek.Or are you trying to push people to hate him? Stop spreading hatred because it will not make you a good historian.Try to learn something about everything and everything about something.I am very happy with most of what you said but very sad with few contents that are similar to words of thieves and looters.
    Correct yourself now and forever.
    Thanks for wasting much space writing same thing.

    Reply
  • Makuei
    Makuei

    Nuer silent majority at its worst.
    Hello M’

    yes, Luk has written like a nationalistsk but not a tribalist and yes still those with enormity lenses and tribal laders at hand will call it treason but this is patriotism in action.

    Great job comrade,Dak – keep on doing the same. we need to change the new Country with new atires on. we have all tried treason before let’s try patriotism now.
    Those who are not ready for change; please wait with your silence,if u cant help then to destroy. Thanks a lot.

    Reply
  • Garang
    Garang

    Nuer silent majority at its worst.
    Mr Luk, thank you very very much for the article.With writers like you we surely can shape a brighter future for generations to come. I have nothing more to say than to thank you million times for this article.

    Reply
  • Deng manyok
    Deng manyok

    Nuer silent majority at its worst.
    Mr. Kim. your article seems to have some elements that can be acknowledge by any viewer who knows the beginning of SPLA and the history of SouthSudan struggle when English system collapsed in the sudan.

    The people you mentioned weren’t initiator of Anya Anya II and when coptain Wilson BOl Kur broke way in 1975,it wasn,t the began of the Anya Anya II movement.

    The truth is this Anya Anya II was continuation of Anya Anya One.The Addis Abebe agreement was so quickly and was a suprise to many officers in the front line and which dispaired the movement. So who were refused to join the Agreement that was been signed. They named themselves as Anya Anya II. Its big camp used to remain in Bhar Ghazel and they use to fight with Marraneen and ambushed Sudan Military. The major problem of the Anya Anya II in Bhar Ghazel there were disorganization which Caused assasination of Abur Matoung when he tried to convince the refuser to join him for peace. The same thing in Bilpam worst than in Bhar Ghazel. Makol Deng was their leader and others like Madut Ring and Pagat. The Anya Anya II didn’t had vision they were wonders in bush while they were using the public things by force.

    when Nimeri declared the shiriya law in Sudan, Sotherners were divided into three regions which brought weakness amongts thenselves,the digging of canal of Jongkley and the discovery of Bentiu peteroleum had begun shocking people in the South and they become apriority of the talk show for each family during the dinner time in the entire South Sudan.
    So Nimeri knew very well when he was visited Bor. Student insulted him for declared shiriya law and he didn’t stayed longer in Bor. He immediatly returned to Kartoum.Two years later he order battalion 114 to replace by other Battallion because there was a rumouse the Southers saying Southerners are planing to make a coup to Nimeri.
    Then Kirbino Refused to take order, Dr Garang was also there after Two day before Bor will be Ataken. Actual there was a plan,but Kirbino was made thing quickly his present in May 1 in Juba in 1983 for colecting the soldiers payments and he took more money than normal regular time and it made Nimeri orders to be short for Bor’s ataking. Bor was ataking in May 16 1983. they expel everyone out in the same day.Then Ayoutt was ataken in early June 1983 and changed the internal tactic for coup to depature to Ethiopia because there wasn’t another choice to be make than going to Ethiopia. Dr.John was contating Megistu Maream in the Border in Tirgon and they talked and he went Itang by helichopter. When all the battallion from 114 and 115 were present in Itang Dr John Called for Meeting All the Anya Anya Two, all the leaders you mentiond and they came to the meeting. It was an open talking Dr Garang was interesting to hear from Anya Anya II their obejective for one decade they were in the bush. Anya Anya II didn’t had vision for the struggle. they were disorganize and fail the to shifted their for point of view for good understanding with Garang. So it was a long discusstion, on conclusion they came to the point for voting to elect who will the be lead the New Movement SPLA/M. They voted and Dr Garang won to be a chairman of the SPLA/M. That voting didn’t Pleased Akout Tem with Samuel Gai Tut and part of Anya Anya II and they were try to be scalated, but the security was tight. And they Itang without war, they never came back and they starting to fight Jamus Battation along the way of Sudan.
    So my point of writting this is to let you know to review your article. Your article is full for your foverism which is painting the truth history and rewrite the new history which you have begun.Be coution history is there already and don’t be suprised for what you called as Nasir faction that was brought weakness for entire New Sudan if there wasn’t Nasir faction there shouldn’t be war in Nuba Montain or Darfour now. SPLA supposed to capture old Sudan by force. But it became history and will remain to be history and already have diminished Dr. Riek Machar and Dr. Lam Makol so if you will rewrite again think as narrative and write things the way you see at them that it a history. If I asking you what was asiftment Nasir faction did? Your answer may be look like this they fought for South South for self determination which SPLA was the enemy and NIF now known as NCP was the one who was provided the weapons or amunition to Nasir faction to be liminated SPLA while SPLA was fighting the NCP Government.So there was one of the hero the commander Peter Panhom Zanypine when he was talking to his battallion he said yesteday was brighter day for Us today we see Nasir faction commanded us to surrenda to them.They are the darness fight and die well you will be remember if there any one will tell the history. also Nasir faction swaped Bor like water runing in the River Nile and took all the cattle and women and children there were no youth only the old people because Jock Reng was always mobilizer of all Bor youngs to be recruiters as new army every year and that was affecting bor people during struggle. this is history do your part, do your part well.

    Reply
  • Mammar Gadhaffi
    Mammar Gadhaffi

    Nuer silent majority at its worst.
    Good comment bro. Achiek
    Riek Machar must face ICC in the naerest future for the Dinka Bor masacre in 1991 and we have evidence of his did known world wide including him.

    Reply
  • Mammar Gadhaffi
    Mammar Gadhaffi

    Nuer silent majority at its worst.
    Ya Mii Diit
    You need to understand one thing ok!! Dr. Riek Machar was the commander of the Nuer who masacred Bor civilian who left behind by the Bor strong youth who were Busy engage in the War with Arab in Juba. you should note that Riek has claimed the full responsibility of Bor Masacre when he gave his apology to Bor community

    Reply
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