An approach to critical engagement on the Sudan peace deal
By John Pangech
Jan 25, 2005 — In theory the Sudan comprehensive peace agreement represent a set of institutional arrangements that encourage voluntary Unity of the country. According to Dr. John Garang of the Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Movement and Army (SPLM/A), “the signing of a peace deal on January 9/05 opens the way for united and pluralistic Sudan “in which all Sudanese are equally stakeholders””. He further said that, the movement would work to preserve Sudan as “a great nation that is voluntarily united in diversity”.
Omar al Bashir of the National Congress Party said that, this agreement means that the whole Sudan is now independent for the first time. For him, 1956 independent did not cover the whole Sudan, because the South was never part of it.
Essentially critical, we are not to think of the original contract as one to enter a particular society or to set up a particular form of government. Rather, the guiding idea is that the principles of justice for the basic structure of society are the object of the original agreement. They are the principles that free and rational persons concerned to further their own interests would accept in an initial position of equality as defining the fundamental terms of their association. These principles are to regulate all further agreement; they specify the kinds of social cooperation that can be entered into and the forms of government that can be established.
Thus, we are to imagine that those who engage in social cooperation choose together in one joint act, the principles which are to assign basic rights and duties and to determine the division of social benefits. This paper presents a critical approach on the Sudan CPA. The intention of this paper is to highlight the key elements of the CPA.
Background
The modern Sudan state has been at war within itself for almost 40 years by the forces fighting for justice and equality for all in the Sudan. This period has seen a major shift in the role of state and an increasing alliance on the common cause against oppression and minority Arab domination with an emphasis on national self-determination based on the rules of law and democracy. Within this changing context a “new Sudanese political dispensation” to emerge on the agenda of SPLM/A. Evidence of these trends is seen in the whole CPA of 9 January 2005. This loose set of mechanism is collectively referred to as “voluntary approaches” and increasingly couched in the language of political and social responsibility.
The Sudan CPA raises important questions about effectiveness in making a significant contribution to democratic performance, social accountability and ultimately economic sustainability. The debate and growing literature on this CPA has tended to focus on highly state relations and assume a theoretical framework of institutional structuring at all policy level in the Sudan. This paper seeks to connect CPA on relationship mechanism with individual’s responses and to explore how these responses are shaped in a specific context. My paper aims to contribute to this from the perspective of a particular undermine point.
The central question explored is what and why CPA is important for the Sudanese people.
Its significance
The CPA has ended the longest long running war and expensive bloody war since the colonial divide in the continent of Africa. All people in the Sudan will now be equal in term of citizenship. There will be social and human integration. All people will be treated equal in term of development. The Sudan will belong to all who leave in it. An end of Arab minority domination and exploitation in the Sudan. An end of forceful Arabization and Islamization of the Sudan. It means the Sudan will be government by majority black government in the next coming election which is to take place in 2008. It also means the time for assimilate the center.
At political level
The agreement affirms the right to form political parties, right for self-determination for the people of Southern Sudan and in particular the whole Sudan, power sharing, there will be two houses of law makers in the Sudan for the first time, namely, the national assembly and the house of representatives. Essentially critical, this agreement will change the Sudan administratively, politically, socially, and environmentally. Its also means that an end to racial, gender, religious, and regional marginalization in the Sudan.
Economic
The challenges that face the country are enormous yet not invincible. They will require a sustained effort over an extended period of time. This means the SPLM administration must intensify the fight against ignorance, underdevelopment and underemployment. SPLM must raise the struggle against poverty and its manifestations to even higher levels. SPLM must ensure that Sudan move forward as fast as possible to end hunger, homelessness, death from preventable diseases, illiteracy and absence of skills.
The land question is central in addressing the issues of poverty particularly in the rural part of Sudan. The land commission is very critical in rural renewal programmes across the Sudan.
The marginalized economy theory has taken a center stage in the debates on how SPLM approach the issues of poverty and creation of better wage for workers. As we know the primary objective of SPLM revolution is for the political liberation and economic emancipation of exploited blacks and marginalized Africans in particular.
The theory of marginalized economy emerge during the period of Arabization and Islamization by minority Arab regime as a result of an imposition of poverty as well as tyranny, poor economic opportunities as well as systemic social deprivation
neglect of public facilities as well as intolerance or over activity of repressive state. This process was aimed to achieve the enrichment of the Arab minority at the cost of the impoverishment of the black majority. That process of impoverishment included ensuring that the Arab economy had access to unlimited supplies of cheap unskilled black labor. This economy did not waste any money on the development of the localities in which black people lived; the possibility of improving lives of the oppressed majority through “trickle down effect” was not there.
The future democratic state should be strengthened to make significant intervention on providing necessary finance for the transformation of the marginalized groups. Expanded human resource development will ensure success in dealing with the marginalized groups.
Transformation
The SPLM as a national liberation movement, should transform, the present system of under payment in the old Sudan. The old Sudan salary was designed to oppress the majority well enough. Concomitant to these historic processes, there has to be the birth of the trade Union, which is to organize and represent workers.
The adoption and ratifying of the CPA in Rumbek by SPLM/A national liberation council is an expression of what the SPLM aspire to a post war country, which has principles and values which are against those of greed, selfishness and self centeredness.
Self-determination for the Southern Sudan
The issue of self-determination for Southern Sudan, an issue the Movement need to further clarify one another, not with the view of discussing whether Southern Sudan need it or not; but how it is going to be achieve. Others don’t like the talk of the current two school of thoughts (Secessionist and Unionist), but within the context of state and civil societies
driven debates, to ensure that all have a say as part of the broader democratic participation.
Conclusion
All this narration is necessary, if we want to answer the question about SPLM led liberation movement ideological thrust, the liberation movement that oppressed people is part of. In terms of the political spectrum it put us squarely on opposite of the right, which is the left.
The SPLM/A led liberation movement, still represents the masses of our people in pursuing and agenda of unity, a drive on eradication of poverty and creation of better life for all.
I remain convinced that the current wage payment in the old Sudan is not a sustainable alternative to our problems as the poor of the country. Correcting the errors and oversights of the system is a challenge, as we agree that poverty is not a viable option in the New Sudan. We need strong state that act in driving the agenda against exploitation and stand for peace and development.
Seriousness is required. This paper is meant to set a tone discussion in the forum, it attempts to achieve that. The good thing about discourse is that it becomes interesting only if a variety of opinions ensure out of one view. Please let engages and debates. Hope it reaches well to all those who want frank view, who distaste the approach this
paper has taken.
John Pangech is a Sudanese student doing Master of Philosophy in Applied Business Ethics (MPhil Applied Business Ethics) at St. Augustine University in Johannesburg, South Africa.
ST : This article contains some sentences verbatim from “A Theory of Justice” a book of political and moral philosophy by John Rawls.