For unconditional, immediate release of Ethiopia’s prisoners of conscience

1. A country with only ONE peaceful but NO democratic transition!
This is no time to keep silent. The struggle must continue until justice fully prevails in the ancient nation. In Ethiopia the overriding project that confronts all of us is to deliver through our various peaceful struggles a democratic transition. The country has never experienced such a transition by peaceful or non-violent means. It is not much to ask that all generations from those in the Spring of their lives to those going through the Summer, Autumn and even the Winter of their lives come together, build a united purpose and work very hard to bring about this novel historical episode to the country. The only time the country had a peaceful transition (though not democratic!) was in 1270 AD. (Ethiopian Calendar!)

Before this time we do not recall in history a period when Ethiopia has had a democratic transition where one ruler has given up power without being forced, exiled, or killed to give it up. While there may have been transitions related to the republican implications of such systems as the Gada system in the South, in Northern Ethiopia with its imperial arrangements, peaceful transitions rarely took place. There was one exception. A dynasty called Zagwe replaced the traditional Solomonic dynastic line in 912 (Eth. Calendar). In 1270 (Eth.Cal.) the Zagwe dynasty (the Lalibela kingdom) was replaced by the Solomonic dynasty. The remarkable thing is that the transition was largely peaceful. This happened largely because of the skill and religious authority of a local Saint called Tekle Hayimanot who mediated between Yi kuno-Amlak (Solomonic), who was prepared to lead an offensive against Ne akate Le’ab (Zagwe), who in turn stood to defend his throne and dynasty. Saint Tekle Hayimanot negotiated a deal that eventually led to the peaceful transition from the Zagwe Dynasty to the Solomonic Dynasty. Although the conditions negotiated by the Saint were not fully met by the ascendant to power, the largely peaceful transition was fulfilled and sustained.

The Ethiopian people and the opposition leaders have demonstrated that they are ready to shape their country’s future by founding a non-reversible democratic tradition capable of creating enduring institutions of democratic governance that are always willing and ready to be open to constant reflection, review, revision, adjustment and improvement. The great accomplishment is this: For the first time democracy has dawned in Ethiopia. The country has embarked on a new democratic dynamics that requires iron determination to let it continue to unfold with all the powerful energy that thanks the votes, voices and mandate of 90 % of the voting population produced.

Today, in Ethiopia the democracy that has been an ideal and a distant dream has become real tangible, achievable and reachable. The struggle must be truly waged to consummate and fulfil the democratic imagination across the Ethiopian landscape as a way of self- empowering the people to solve all the thorny problems of the country that have defied solutions to date. Today we live at a time when the ordinary people have accelerated their own democratic history by making what used to be an ideal, real. Like all things important, the time after the May election has witnessed its own share of sacrifice, tears, blood, grief and sorrow. Those who have chosen to lie; steal and cheat to retain power against the intense dislike from the people have unleashed terror and cruelty on a large scale. Whatever they did has backfired on them as the grass roots democratic insurgency and the surging spirit of defiance to authoritarian rule is beyond their capacity to stop. This is time where the overriding democratic perspective has priority over all other considerations by all who have chosen to enter in one capacity or another Ethiopian political fray.

All those who respect the people must also respect their vote to launch a democratic historical trajectory in the country. They should not tell us that the dictators who use repression are indispensable. What makes them so? Is it their response to kill when they fish and smell that they may be under threat from the people? Nothing is more important than making sure that the desire and aspiration to create a democratic society is not compromised. Whatever the sacrifice, all energy must concentrate to make sure that democracy take root and dictatorship is de-rooted in Ethiopian soil for good.

Thus the key issues to move forward and put the current crises behind are: 1) To build a shared approach that after May 15, 2005, a successful achievement of democratic transition is the issue of issues; 2) To denounce and renounce the cynical attempt by the current regime to scapegoat an entire elected leadership for the trouble it itself created in its own right. In addition to recognise fully that this regime posture undermines the struggle to consummate democratic transition in Ethiopia; 3) To build shared agreement that the first item in any agenda of dialogue is the unconditional and immediate release of CUD leaders and all other political prisoners in order to enable all concerned to focus all attention on how to bring about democratic transition in Ethiopia. The release of all political prisoners must be a pre-condition to unfold a vibrant debate to make Ethiopia’s first ever democratic transition with inclusion of all those who deeply care about the future and destiny of this historic nation.

2. The Renewed Diplomatic Effort
It is encouraging to see renewed diplomatic activity by the EU to assist dialogue between the opposition and the Meles regime. In the past there have been a number of diplomatic initiatives to encourage dialogue that can bring productive outcome in terms of the main challenge confronting Ethiopia.

We recall how the opposition listened to the advice of the diplomatic community and suspended twice the right to strike and show its disappointment in derailing the democratic votes and voice of the people by the regime. The diplomatic community closely saw how committed the elected opposition leadership has been to peaceful democratic transition. It is this same leadership that bend backwards to accommodate diplomatic counsel that has been brutally, illegally and unjustly thrown in jail with the absurd and ridiculous charge of ?treason and genocide.’ The opposition leadership must be commended for this spirit to see genuinely a peaceful and non-violent democratic transition by listening to the counsel of the diplomatic community.

The diplomatic community knows perfectly the elected opposition leadership and the entire accused are innocent. It is thus highly pertinent that this same community is careful to support the innocent and punish those who ascribe guilt to the innocent and abuse their power to harass and harm physically, psychologically and politically the elected leaders. The diplomatic community must stand for justice and support the CUD opposition leaders and the other political prisoners to be released immediately and unconditionally as its first act of dialogue with this brutal and vicious regime.

Whilst we welcome any renewed effort to foster a climate of dialogue and free public debate that is built from the participation of Ethiopians rather than their withdrawal through fear of regime reprisal, we must also show concern that all diplomatic conversations must prioritise principle and morality over and above concerns that may be tainted with expediency and quick or hurried political calculations. The past encounters with the opposition by Meles reportedly turned into threats and warning of accept or face the consequences type of ultimatum. Such dialogues reveal insincerity and lack of seriousness to solve problems through genuine dialogue. It is most likely given this past demonstrated attitude that the Meles regime is bound to use the talks with the diplomats to achieve its own strategies related to get direct budget support, split and isolate the opposition leadership in jail from the rest and fabricate evidence including films and other doctored files to incriminate, frame and blame the opposition leaders. Meles is probably scheming to use the talks to attack the opposition leaders as if they have committed legal transgressions and completely deny the political crises that the regime created to put the opposition leaders in prison. The regime wishes to send all opposition MPs and councillors to take their respective seats in their respective chambers whilst it keeps and charges of crimes that the opposition leaders never committed. The regime wants the MPs and councillors to sacrifice and betray their own leaders. Moreover it is working round the clock to get diplomats to accept this situation and even support this ugly regime strategy.

4. Any compromise to betray the jailed elected opposition leadership must be rejected as unprincipled and immoral
Short-term fixes invariably bring long-term obstacles. All attempts to fix the Ethiopian post-election crises by keeping an entire elected opposition leadership including the mayor-elect of Addis Ababa incarcerated is bound to unravel. We call on the diplomatic communities of the world not to ignore the unjust and illegal imprisonment of an entirely elected opposition leadership. No African leadership of this century has done what the Meles group is doing now to spoil the only possibility open by history in the long duree to bring about the country’s ever recorded first democratic transition.

Unless the main problem of locking up an entire elected opposition leadership including the mayor-elect of Addis Ababa in jail is resolved, a truthful and sincere dialogue will be difficult to create. This means all those who wish Ethiopia’s democratisation well have to oppose the mischievous calculation by Meles who desperately wishes to scapegoat this opposition for the crime it itself committed by jailing, killing and carting thousands of youth. It is the regime that conflated the demand to strike with an insurrection to overthrow it. It has accused the opposition for its own deliberate misperceptions of opposition intentions. The imprisoned opposition leaders and all who support their cause are morally, intellectually, politically and humanely committed to a democratic rebirth of this old country. The Meles regime knows perfectly that the experience and long record of the opposition leadership put violently by him in jail fully demonstrate that their core values have always been to bring democratic transition and transformation to Ethiopia in order to attack the roots of the manifold afflictions of Ethiopia’s persistent underdevelopment. It knows that the accusations made against them is entirely fabricated based on a fear that if people demonstrate support to the opposition it amounts to a disavowal of the existing power holders. That reading was made by the regime to attack others and not take responsibility for its own actions. It is to make good and justify its reprehensible and deplorable actions for resorting to massive attacks against the youth, rural people and the opposition leadership and even patriotic democrats throughout the world.

5. The Priority of Priorities: Release All the Political Prisoners
It is the ideal of making the country experience democratic transition which it never had that fired all our imaginations. All those who joined the struggle to bring about this historical experience must be celebrated and not rudely and crudely put in jail or maligned. All those who use tactics to abort the country experiencing democratic transition must be the ones that commit crimes not those who struggle honestly and with high principle and dedication to usher the land into democracy as a necessary condition to fight all the ills and poverty afflicting the nation.

We call on all the donors to make sure not to allow Meles to put wool over their eyes to treat such principled democrats and human rights activists as ?merely simple criminals!’ We have been informed that the regime has prepared fabricated evidence to frame, blame, and demoralise and disorganise /split the opposition leadership inside and outside jail. This is itself a criminal act that must be condemned. Donors must treat the jailed opposition leaders as political prisoners as Amnesty International and other humanitarian organisations have treated them as prisoners of conscience. No retreat on this important matter of getting the political prisoners released.

The regime seems to have a two prong strategy. It is sending appeals and deadlines to elected councillors of Addis Ababa to take their seat in the council chambers. It is doing this aggressively and trying to enlist diplomatic and donor support to accomplish this. According to the Reporter, the World Bank is prepared to provide 2.6 billion birr to the city if the elected councillors take their seats. (By Yohannes Amberber, the Reporter, Feb.15, 2006)

All along the councillors have been firm not to betray their elected leaders in jail by refusing to take up their seats until their leaders are released. Now they have been confronted with a divisive strategy of coercion by the regime that has sent forms that must be filled within a week. It looks the donors also offer the incentive to accelerate councillor registration.

6. The moral dilemma
No person of principle can condone action that betrays an entire elected leadership whose only ?crime’ is to play a historic role in democratising an old civilisation on the foundation of a robust achievement of comprehensive human rights and rule of law and institutions subject to review, revision and ventilation for their democratic governance. It is reported by the Ethiopia Reporter (Amharic), February 15, 2006 that the donor community from US, EU and World Bank are pledging to support Addis Ababa’s elected councillors to takeover the city administration.see 🙁 http://www.ethiopianreporter.com/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=3215)

We think it is morally wrong to pressure the CUD-elect to take over the Addis Ababa Administration while the CUD leadership including the elected mayor are suffering in Meles’s jails. The just, democratic and moral way for taking over the city administration is by releasing the elected CUD leadership and other political prisoners first and foremost. This is the most urgent priority above all else. Any dialogue which does not put this matter on the agenda is bound to fail and likely to encourage protest and resistance by deepening further the present political crises.

Meles in his interview cruelly brags that no one can force him to release the CUD-leadership. The donors have enough leverage if they have the political will to persist, as the Ethiopian opposition can help the country’s democratic transition if it maintains iron- clad unity and remain with iron determination behind its illegally and unjustly incarcerated elected opposition leadership. First the donors must not give in to regime black mail. Secondly the business of dialogue is to bring about democratic transition and not to facilitate the reign of a dictatorial and ruthless regime. Thirdly the donor willingness to be involved in regime coercion of councillors to register and, if the Reporter’s account is true, to even more assist the regime by incentivising councillors to betray their imprisoned leaders is purely immoral and completely unacceptable.

The Mayor-elect of Addis Ababa is Dr. Berhanu Nega. It is only Dr. Berhanu that must be the mayor and not persons preferred by the regime whilst putting illegally and unjustly the elected mayor in jail. That is simply scandalous even to conceive assigning the mayor’s position to someone else. Donors must not be bounced into a de facto acceptance of Meles’s preposterous charges and allegations against the opposition, his brutalities, rigidity and cruelty by pressuring the democratically elected CUD members to submit to Meles’s divisive and wicked strategies while sacrificing their whole incarcerated leadership.

We suggest that the donor community including the World Bank can facilitate the best possible path to peace and democracy in Ethiopia by strongly demanding the release of the imprisoned CUD leadership as a priority. The question of questions is this issue of getting the elected leadership free by securing the earliest possible release. That also shows respect for the millions of people who voted for these imprisoned leaders. Betraying the imprisoned elected CUD leaders is also betraying those who voted for them.

For its part, CUD has submitted an 8-point framework for negotiation in October 2006. We believe it provides the best basis to create a dialogue where other political organisations can also bring in their concerns and debate to bring shared principles and differences. Without freeing and including the imprisoned CUD leadership in the political process, it is very unlikely to win the heart and minds of millions of Ethiopians, nor solve the country’s pressing political crises.

7. Dialogue or Trial
The entire opposition leadership, journalists, civil society activists and other patriotic democrats have been illegally and unjustly accused of ?treason and genocide.’ Meles insists that he will prosecute whilst at the same time saying to diplomats he is open to dialogue. He has four contradictory plans. He hopes to continue against all evidence and justice to criminalise the elected opposition leaders and other political prisoners. He is blackmailing MPs and councillors to take their seats. He tells EU and American diplomats he is open to dialogue. He is at the same time trying to win donor budget support. The people he is accusing and jailed are the very people he must open dialogue with. He cannot keep insisting to hold them in jail and at the same time say he is open to dialogue. You cannot dialogue and prosecute those you must dialogue with to solve the political crises. The arrested and the accused have committed no crime except trying to bring about an honest democratic transition to their country. There is no justification even for a second to keep them in jail.

Meles not only insists to continue trying illegally and unjustly the elected opposition leadership, he also invites the diplomatic community to send international observers in the trial. This attitude by the regime is fraught with danger. It does not show any sincerity in dialogue or genuine readiness in solving the country’s vexing political crises. As long as Meles still constructs the opposition as ?criminals, and refuses to face the fact that the CUD leaders are being persecuted for their political struggles, it will be hard to see how a negotiated way out of the crises can be found. All the contradictory measures he has unfurled demonstrate that he is NOT ready to talk sincerely to the main opposition leadership. There is a trap in the deception and insincerity of pursuing a trial and dialogue at the same time. This must not be a dialogue to fix and ease the way to embolden Meles to persecute the innocent that have not been given a presumption of non-guilt often accorded routinely in any normal process of fairly implemented jurisprudence.

8. Concluding Call
We welcome the opening of dialogue, as long as it is genuine, sincere, fair, just and build to solve rather than fix the nation’s political crises.

The first item on the agenda of a new dialogue is to make sure as a matter of urgency that political prisoners are released immediately and unconditionally.
All attempts to sacrifice the imprisoned will boomerang politically and is dangerous to the ultimate success of democracy in Ethiopia.

Donors must put principle and morality above other concerns and not allow themselves to be bounced to fulfil the divisive strategy of Meles to fragment the opposition, frame and blame the elected opposition leadership and criminalise dissent in order to make sure that donor budget support flows to its coffers.

We call on all the MPs and Councillors to do what they have to do with full consultation and endorsement of the imprisoned elected leadership.

We call on all the world wide democratic forces inside and outside Ethiopia not to fear reprisal, attacks and other forms of criminalising and doggedly persist together to make sure our nation experiences what it never had in its long life- a democratic transition, where the winners respect the losers and the losers graciously accept their defeat, and all engage to pursue the lives they have reason to choose and value free from harassment, threats to their person and security from any invasive and subtractive limitations imposed by dictatorship to their existential and public lives.

We reiterate our call on the international community to denounce and not reward the Meles regime for killing, jailing and accusing for our engagement to bring about values of human rights, rules of law rather than rule by persons, democratic governance, democratisation of institutions, and above all, the all novel possibility of scoring an irreversible democratic transition in Ethiopia.

Professor Mammo Muchie, Chair of NES-Scandinavian Chapter
Berhanu G. Balcha, Vice- Chair of NES-Scandinavian Chapter
Tekola Worku, Secretary of NES-Scandinavian Chapter

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