Bring back the spirit of Adwa with democracy and unite Ethiopians

Bring Back the Spirit of Adwa with Democracy now and unite all Ethiopians to forge ahead

“A country without a historical memory is like a person without a head”
“Ethiopia is rich in history and her elites are poor in historical sense.” By Prof. Mesfin Wolde Mariam, Adwa International Symposium, London, UK, March 2-3, 1996

“They lost their history, so they died” (an African maxim)

Introduction

Over a century ago, the Ethiopian people and the national leadership united like one person to defeat the foreign power that eyed to take over Ethiopia. On May 15, 2005 an episode no less significant as the victory at the battle of Adwa took place. 90 % of the voting population expressed democratic voice and choice. This is a defining historical turning point that should usher a new political destiny for Ethiopia. Just as the military victory at Adwa did not bring full political victory one hundred ten years ago, the aftermath of Ethiopia’s historic May democratic election has been followed by fraud, illegal and unjust imposition of the incumbent over society, lots of blood, tears, sorrow, lots of arrests, huge number of young people in both urban and rural areas hunted like animals and forcibly extruded from where they live and taken to unknown destinations causing huge suffering to their families and harshly thrown and beaten to make shift concentration camps where they are cruelly exposed to the elements, diseases and military brutalities and hideous degradations. The outrage of keeping locked up the entire elected leadership apparently under degrading conditions is spreading. Those who were murdered by the regime must seek redress and justice and cannot let the regime get away with murdering their loved ones.

Despite all these wrongs perpetrated by this hideous regime, the overall thrust of the May election is to crystallise something novel and original in the annals of Ethiopian history. Whatever repressions the regime has unleashed it cannot take away the fact that the opposition and the people created a historical momentum that will sooner or later wash away this brutal regime to the dustbin of history.

What is thus common in the spirit of Adwa of March 2, 1886 and the spirit of the May 2005 election is the fact that the mobilisation to resist a foreign aggressor was universal as the mobilisation to launch a sustained break from authoritarianism by the massive turn out for democracy still sends powerful and universal message. In spite of the lack of full political victory after Adwa and full democratic transition in Ethiopia, the fact that the people manifested patriotic zeal(Adwa) and democratic zeal (May,2005) will live on egging future generations not to betray their nation but fulfil the mission of shaping a nation with human rights, constitutionalism, and democratic governance.

The victory of Adwa is a victory that united a nation and a people, the leadership, the people and the nation, regions to regions, ethnic groups to ethnic groups. All the national groups from Oromia to Eritrea were mobilised and contributed richly to the success of the Adwa victory by all Ethiopians through the depth and breadth of the land. This was not a victory of the leaders, or one ethnic group. This was a national victory with a wider African and indeed world significance. It was and remains an exemplary episode in demonstrating what a weak nation can do when the people are united in defeating the most armed and strong nation. We need to apply this spirit of unity in making another history that this nation desperately needs to achieve right now, not tomorrow. That is, to let all unite to achieve government where the governors are governed by the people with full respect of human rights and democratic freedoms. Only then can the people of this old nation can establish freely and voluntarily a shared self government of all by allowing the self-government of each self-defining, self-recognising and self-determining community. Democracy, respect of human rights the establishment of constitutionally affirmed rights constitute the content and substance of a democratic transition not the perpetuation of a vicious and hideous elite that shamelessly dances in the luxurious Sheraton hotel whilst keeping the entire elected opposition in jail. This is cruel, insensitive and cynical ruling elite. Meles chooses to dance the night away, a sure sign that when the democratic hour closes, the cruel dictator drinks, dances and consorts to amuse himself with his corrupt associates. By invoking the spirit of Adwa let us achieve democratic transition by bringing about the most unprecedented self-unity of the people, the country and the nation and remove peacefully and with the votes of the people this traitorous, hedonistic and hideous ruling elite.

2. Celebrating Adwa today means calling the undying spirit of unity from the episode to bring democratic transition now

The ‘centennial plus ten’ anniversary celebrating the victory of Adwa over Italian colonialism in Ethiopia will take place in many parts of the world between March 2-3, 2006. Adwa was a major anti-colonialist battle fought by all Ethiopians, under the skilful leadership of Emperor Menelik and Empress Taitu. This victory resonated well beyond the Ethiopian and indeed the African border. It represented the clash between colonialism and liberation on a world-scale. In the aftermath of this victory, Ethiopia’ own global reputation grew with Europe conceding recognition to its significance. Adwa 2006 provides the occasion to appreciate fully the international significance of the Ethiopian victory over the world colonial project in Africa. The failure to put this victory in the context of the wider challenges which confronted Africa before, during and after the nineteenth century needs to be put right.

Italian colonialism was supported by the British rulers and German Kaiser and other European colonial powers. Elements within the British ruling circles contemplated assisting Italy with direct military action. Ethiopia was supported mainly by the African Diaspora and anti-colonialist elements in Italy itself.

The Ethiopian victory of Adwa symbolised an historical turning point where colonialist and anti-colonialist forces clashed in Africa. In fact, it represented the struggle of the black race for human dignity and respect. Some British settlers in Africa regarded the victory of Adwa as a “foul crime”. Colonialist historiography generally consigns the whole episode to a minor detail of the battlefield lore.

It is a matter of historical record that the Adwa victory signalled the beginning of the end of the Scramble for Africa. This victory constitutes a crucial chapter in the record of African resistance and liberation. It armed generations of Africans with the confidence of victory to engage in resistance and liberation. It attracted attention as far as the Caribbean and the Americas, not to mention Europe and the rest of Africa. It deserves to be celebrated both as a significant episode in its own right and as a memory serving well the emerging communities of resistances in the African world never again to surrender to colonial tyranny

Within Ethiopia itself, the historical significance of Adwa has been contested. Politically-motivated internal and external wilful interpretation attributes the victory of Adwa exclusively in terms of one segment of the Ethiopian population. It was in fact the unified effort of all segments of the Ethiopian population which made the Ethiopian victory at Adwa possible.

The battle of Adwa is not just a memory of the past. This event which took place 110 years ago by a relatively small and weak country, against Italy, a formidable, highly armed and ambitious new colonial power is still relevant today. For example, former President Nelson Mandela and Mr. Alfred NZO and the former Minister of Foreign Affairs of South Africa have linked their country’s anti-colonialist struggle to the victory of Adwa. With the new hope of African renaissance, Adwa is a historical memory which can put magic to Africa’s collective capabilities to hasten the de-colonisation of Africa’s future. It is the spur to the revival of pan-Africanism.It is inextricably linked with Africa’s present and future destiny.

3. Chrnology Leading to the Battle of Adwa and Beyond

PART I : The Genesis of Colonialism of: The Red Sea Coast: HOW IT ALL STARTED

1862: An Italian Lazarist missionary priest named Giuseppe Sapeto bought 7km long strip of land on the Assab coast from the Sultan of Afar. An Italian shipping company, called Raffaele Rubbattino, paid the bill of 8100 maartresa birr. The Italian flag was hoisted after the payment was settled. Whilst facilitating Italian colonial accession on the Red Sea coast, Joseph Sapeto protested strenuously Italian innocence to any colonial design/ambition on Afar territory.

1874: The Italian shipping company, Rubbattino held the territory for twelve years. In 1874 it sold the strip of land to the Italian Government at a cost of 417,000 lire.

1874: On June 19, 1874 the Italian Government proclaimed that Assab was its colony.

1875: Great Britain was confronted with unrest in Sudan and Egypt. Germany and France cast their colonial designs on Africa. Rivalry among the great powers opened opportunities for Italy as a junior come lately in the colonial game.

1875: On 15 November, 1875 Ethiopian forces led by the then Shaleka later Ras Alula fought successfully against the Egyptians at Gundet. Of the 3000 troops none seemed to have escaped.

1876: On 7-9 March, 1876 Ethiopian forces defeated Egyptian troops at Gura. At this battle of the 5,200 troops, only 1900 soldiers managed to retreat. 1877: On February 1, 1877, Ethiopian forces battled with Egyptians and won.

1880: On October 10, 1880 Egyptians were defeated once again.

1884: On December 22, 1884, Italy made a cooperation agreement with Britain to send military force via Massawa to help rescue British Garrisons and besieged persons in Sudan. In exchange, Britain agreed to remove the Egyptian control of Massawa to pave the way for an Italian control of Massawa.

1884: The British Government sent a British naval-officer, Rear-Admiral Sir William Hewett to win Emperor Yohannes’s support to rescue the besieged garrisons in Sudan.

1884: Emperor Yohannes agreed to the British demand provided the latter were willing to meet his two conditions: namely, 1) Ethiopian territory on the border of Sudan which was annexed by Egypt should be returned to Ethiopia; 2) the port of Massawa should be returned to Ethiopia

1884: The British accepted his first condition, but fudged the second condition. They only promised to allow Emperor Yohannes free transit under British Protection, for Ethiopian goods, including arms and ammunition.

1884: On June 3, 1884 a tripartite treaty at Adwa was signed involving Great Britain, Egypt and Ethiopia. Tripartite is a misnomer because the treaty was not signed by a representative from Egypt, which was then under British occupation.

The Treaty stated that not only was it binding on the then sitting rulers of Britain (Queen Victoria), Ethiopia (Emperor Yohannes) and Egypt ( Khedive Twefig) but also on their heirs and successors. It was to be the treaty to bind generations after generations.

Yohannes honoured his side of the bargain: Under the leadership of his famous general, Ras Alula, Yohannes liberated the besieged Anglo-Egyptian garrison at Bogus (Keren) in the Eritrean region of Ethiopia.

Far from helping Yohannes to re-possess Massawa, Britain failed to honour its side of the bargain by encouraging Italy to control Massawa rather than help Yohannes to re- claim it. The so-called tripartite treaty otherwise known as the Adwa- Hewett Treaty turned into a short-lived affair.

1885: Following the rise of the Mahdists and Ethiopia’s obligations from the Hewett treaty, Ethiopian forces made a number of expeditions to the Egyptian garrisons on the Sudan- Ethiopian border. On September 23, 1885 Ethiopian forces led by Ras Alula fought the battle of Kufit and came out victorious.

1885: Meanwhile the Scramble of Africa reached its zenith. The General Act of Berlin, proclaimed in the name of the almighty God, was signed by 11 European countries on February 26, 1885. The signatories were: Great Britain, Germany, Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Spain, France, Italy, Holland, Portugal and Sweden. There were two other extra-European powers, America and the Ottoman Empire. No African country was represented amongst the signatories. Ethiopia was neither invited nor a participant in the Berlin conference contrary to the assertion by some today that Ethiopia either participated in the Berlin conference or was a beneficiary of its outcome.

1885: The Italian occupying force arrived at Massawa led by Rear-Admiral Pietro Caim on January 19,1885. Pietro Caim issued a proclamation on February 3, 1885 declaring:” The Italian Government, in accord with English and Egyptian, and without doubt also with the Abyssinians have ordered me to take possession of the port.”

1885: On January 19, 1885, 800 Italian troops led by 40 officers headed for Massawa from Naples aboard a naval ship.

1885: On the evening of February 1885, the Supreme commander of the Italian army in Africa, Colonel Tancredi Saletta landed in Massawa with 764 men and 38 officers. The Italian troops occupied the Egyptian positions at Otumlo, Makullo and Ras Midir and the Italian flag was made to fly side by side with the Egyptian one over the palace and forts of Massawa.

1885: The Italians deployed 16 warships, torpedo boats and cargo ships which also provided a good means for transporting troops, war materials and provisions. Both infantry and marines were sent to Massawa. The Corvette Garibaldi which transported the marines remained stationary in the harbour and was later transformed into a hospital ship. 1885: To reinforce existing military and maritime strength, the Italian Government sent additional troops on March 7, 1885.

1885: On April 10,1885 the Italian commander, Colonel Saletta occupied Arafailet, a small village on the Gulf Adulis, 65km. East of Massawa.

1885: April 21, 1885 Harkigo, 12km south-east of Massawa fell

1885: June 8, 1885 the Dahlak Islands were occupied.

1885: On November 13, Major general Carlo Gene took over from Colonel Saletta, as the Italian Commander in Chief of ground and sea forces in the Red Sea Coast. His orders were consolidation of already occupied territories not expansion; to train Italian regular troops with Bashi-Bazouk irregulars. 1886: Italians occupied Wia on November 22, 1886 with 100 Bashi-Bazouks. The Italians levied taxes on Ethiopian commodities prohibited all importation of arms through Massawa and Assab.

1887: Ras Alula, Governor of Mereb Melash demanded Italian withdrawal from Sahati. The Italian parliament rebuffed Ras Alula’s call considering any move to leave Sahati as an affront to their national honour.

1887: On 25 January, 1887 there was an Ethiopian engagement with the Italians at Sahati where five soldiers died on the Italian side, one of them an Italian officer, and three were wounded. There is no official record of the Ethiopian loss at the Sahati engagement.

1888: And the 1st and 2nd Brigades, commanded by generals Gene and Cogni, occupied and heavily fortified Dogali and Sahati.

1888: Italians decided to strengthen their military presence in Massawa.

1888: The Monkullu-Dogali railway was completed on 15 February

1889: On December 26, 1889, Ras Alula’s forces wiped out 500 Italian troops at Dogali.

1889: Ras Alula lost the Governorship of Mereb Melash apparently for fighting at Dogali without the authorization of Emperor Yohannes.

1889: Italians responded to their Dogali debacle by reinforcing their Massawa garrison. A budget of 20 million lire and a force of 20,000 Italian soldiers were stationed in Massawa.

1890: Massawa became a military garrison: 814 officers, 17,700 soldiers, 138 cannons, 28 machine guns, 3000 horses, 2000 mules, 18,000 camels were assembled.

1885: Yohannes could not believe that the English could support the Italians to control Massawa given his tripartite agreement with them. He wrote a letter of complaint to Queen Victoria and asked King Menelik of Shoa to write to King Umberto of Italy requesting clarifications why the Italians made their moves on Massawa and Assab.

1885: Britain was, in fact, helping Italy to engage in colonialism and the Scramble for Africa consistent with the General Act of Berlin. A British Vice Consul, A.B.Wylde, for the Red Sea area made the following comment on British behaviour: “Look at our behaviour from any point of view: it will not show one ray of honesty. To my mind it is one of the worst bits of business out of many we have been guilty of in Africa. England made use of King Johannes as long as he was of any service, and threw him to the tender mercies of Italy, who went to Massowah under our auspices with the intention of using territory that belonged to our ally, and allowed them to break all the promises England had solemnly made to king Johannes after he had faithfully carried out his part of the agreement. The Fact is not known to the British public, and I wish it was not true for our credit’s sake; but unfortunately it is, and it reads like one of the vilest bits of treachery that has been perpetrated in Africa or India in the eighteenth century” (A.B.Wylde, Modern Abyssinia, 1901)

1885: The Italian emperor responded by alleging that their occupation of Massawa had Emperor Yohannes’s blessing. Emperor Yohannes did not order the occupation of Massawa. That was a deceitful representation of his political stance against Italian colonialism. The most he conceded was British protectorate of Massawa as an Ethiopian free port under the Hewett treaty to allow him continued supply of arms and general communication with the outside world free from Italian blockade. Italian delegation gave a different reason for their occupation of Massawa. They told Emperor Yohannes that the reason for their occupation of Massawa was to help him ward off the Mahdist incursion into his country. Emperor Yohannes got embroiled into antagonism with the Mahdists partly because of his fulfilment of his part of the tripartite deal. He was, in effect set up by the British against the Mahdists. As Rubenson pointed out Emperor Yohannes, “… as a result of the dishonesty of British diplomacy turned out to have traded one weak enemy (Egypt) for two strong ones, the Mahdist State and Italy.”

1887: Whilst the Italian delegation was still with Emperor Yohannes, Colonel Saletta sent an express letter to the head of the delegation Ferrari,” Do not enter into agreement accepting Ethiopian access to the route via Massawa. The Colonel hurried to occupy a series of areas including Sahati.

1888: Emperor Yohannes responded to the Italian concentration of troops by massing his own troops in order to attack and seize Massawa. There were 16,000 troops under Ras Alula, 20,000 under Ras Hagos 20- 25,000 mostly riflemen: Ras Mikael, also in the North at Agula, had 25,000 men, largely Oromo horsemen. The Emperor had an imperial guard of some 5,000 men, whilst his nephew Mengesha’s force was about the same size. Ras Haile Mariam had over 16,000 men who were on their way from Walda to join Yohannes at his camp. Ras Araya Selassie (the Emperor’s son) had an army of 40,000 near Adwa. Dejazmatch Tessema had 32,000 men. This made an impressive total of 154,000 men.

1888: The Ethiopian attempt to lure the enemy into an open field engagement never materialised. The Italians learning a lesson from Dogali and the Dervishes in Kufit, remained within their fortified positions. Shortage of supplies and harsh weather compounded the difficulties of the Ethiopian side. The Dervishes defeated King Tekle Haiymanot of Gojjam and burnt Gondar.

1888: On 31 March 1888 all the Ethiopian armed forces retreated and returned from the lowland of Sabarguma to the higher lands. Yohannes removed Alula from his post on April 23, 1888.

1888: After being informed of the Ethiopian retreat, the Italian Government stabilised its troop concentration, changed General San Marzano for General Baldissera as commander in chief of Italian troops. Italy gradually expanded throughout the Merab-Melash laying the territorial boundary for the Italian colony of Eritrea. 1889: Between March 8, 1889, at Gallabat Metemma, Emperor Yohannes defeated the Dervishes- Mahdists. On March 9, Yohannes died from a spray bullet after the Ethiopian victory.

1889: King Menelik of Shoa declared himself King of Kings of Ethiopia

1890: The name Eritrea was born; or Mereb Melash assumed the colonially-designated name Eritrea.

1888-1892: A great famine stalked Ethiopia. Emperor Menelik mentioned the famine as a reason for not asking his people to sacrifice in war.

PART II: The Treaty of Wuchale

“Menelik had agreed to avail himself of the Government of H.M. the King of Italy for all negotiations of affairs which he might have with other powers or Governments, ” and he did so “in conformity with” article XXXIV of the General Act of Berlin.”

Crispi, Italian prime minister of the time trying to claim symmetry between Article 17 of the Wuchalle Treaty with 34 of the General Act of Berlin.

“For it is with much dishonesty that he (Umberto) pretending friendship has desired to seize my country. Because God gave the crown and the power that I should protect the land of my forefathers, I terminate and nullify this treaty. I have not, however, nullified my friendship. Know that I desire no other treaty than this. My kingdom is an independent kingdom and I seek no one’s protection.”

Emperor Menelik on 27 February 1893 notifying Crispi/King Umberto that the treaty of Wuchale would cease on 1 May, 1894.

1885: The General Act of Berlin laid down procedures for the scramble of Africa. Article XXXIV declared:

“Any power which henceforth takes possession of a tract of land on the coasts of the African Continent outside of its present possessions, or which, being hitherto without such possessions, shall acquire them, as well as the Power which assumes a Protectorate there, shall accompany the respective act with a notification thereof, addressed to the other Signatory Powers of the present Act, in order to enable them, if need be, to make good any claims of their own.”

1888: The draft of the treaty of Wuchale was produced between August and September 1888.

1889: On 2 May 1889 The Treaty of Wuchale was signed. The Treaty of Wuchale had 20 articles. Of the articles, Article 17 was the most contentious.

1889: Article 17 in the Amharic version said” The Ethiopian Government will use the good office of Italy in its communication with European Governments.”

1889: The Italian version read that Ethiopia is a protectorate of Italy.

1889: From the outset Menelik suggested that Article 17 is useless. There was no point in including it. Count Pietro Antonelli said there was no harm in including it.

1889: Article 3 settled the boundary between Ethiopia and the Italian occupied territories on the Red Sea Coast. It defined the boundaries between Ethiopia and what eventually came to be known as Eritrea. Italy was to posses a line starting at Anfilla on the coast, passing by and including the villages of Halay, Hebo, Akrur, Asmera, and Se’azega.

1889: After the death of Emperor Yohannes, the Italians wanted Menelik to recognise their Colony of Mereb – Melash (Eritrea).

1889: After signing the Treaty of Wuchale, The Italian Government sent a letter to the signatories of the General Act of Berlin and the U.S. Government asserting that “Ethiopia is Italy’s protectorate”

1889: Meanwhile Emperor Menelik sent a letter to the German Kaiser and other European powers heralding the news of his accession as the Emperor of Ethiopia.

1889: The German Kaiser responded to Menilik to respect the Wuchale treaty and to conduct all correspondence via the Italian Government.

1889-1890: The Italian Government’s opportunity to ascertain his protectorate claim was the Brussels Conference on slavery. On January 1890, the Italian delegate proposed an amendment to open the way for Italy to sign the convention as the protecting power of Ethiopia. Austria and Belgium supported Italy. France, Russia and Turkey opposed.

1889: Menelik wrote a letter to the Italian king to resolve the dispute peacefully. The negotiations resulted in an improved version of the treaty. 1890: Both Emperor Menilik and Itege Taitu expressed their determination to resist against Italian aggression. Antonelli and Emperor Menelik tried to work on an improved version of the Treaty. Menelik wanted article 17 to be scrapped. The improved version affirmed the scrapping of the article. Antonelli seemed to go along with the new version. As soon as he discovered that article 17 has been annulled, he was furious. He went back to the palace and denied accepting the new version. He blamed it on bad interpretation, though the count could read Amharic. The Count threatened that Italy had no option but to resort to military action to enforce the original treaty.

1891: In April 1891 Emperor Menelik wrote a famous circular letter describing Ethiopia as a “Christian island surrounded by pagans”

1891: Italian agreement with Britain on March 24 and April 15 de- limiting the boundaries of Ethiopia as their “protectorate.”

1891: On April 16, they made their agreement public.

1893: On February 27, 1893 emperor Menelik notified all the European powers definitively proclaiming that the Wuchale Treaty has been annulled.

1893: The Italian Government was notified that the treaty would be null and void by May 1, 1893.

1893: The significant European powers expressed their reservation on Ethiopia’s ability to withstand Italy’s impending onslaught. Queen Victoria and the German Kaiser responded by advising Ethiopia to remain under Italian Protectorate.

Menelik sent a reply opposing calmly their suggestion and asking them to support the country’s independence.

All European powers responded by affirming their earlier stand: Ethiopia is best ruled under Italian colonialism.

The emperor became angry and instructed all his nobles to force Italians in Ethiopian territory to leave the country. The Italian foreign Minister realised the chilling turn in Italo-Ethiopian relations and sent a delegate to make last minute amends. The delegate brought 2 million bullets as a gift to Menelik. – Menelik summarised moves by Italy which he regarded as hostile:

1. Violation of article 3 of Wuchale Treaty which established the border between Ethiopia and Italy including the improved version negotiated with the Italian Count. Italy made further incursions to the interior and hoisted its flag well beyond Mereb, Muna and Belessa. 2. Italian Government procrastination in fulfilling demand to change article 17 of the Wuchale treaty. They refused to change after their agreement to do so. 3. Saddening behaviour by Italy trying to sow discord between Menelik and his nobles particularly Ras Mengesha. – Menelik received the bullets but refused to change his position on the substantial issues. The Italian delegation returned empty handed. 1895: An Italian force led by General Orero occupied Adwa

1895: In March, Mekele and Adigrat fell. Italy spearheaded its attack to Aksum and engaged in a powerful propaganda to liberate Tigray from Menelik’s rule. -Italians occupied Aksum, Agameland, Enderta and Ambalegen. -Emperor Menelik repeatedly urged the Italian Government to desist from this hostile act. The Italians responded by claiming that aggressive action was committed by “mistake” -Menelik made a proclamation urging his country to resist aggression. The Battle of Adwa began in earnest.

PART III: the Actual Battle

The Battle of Adwa. “In African history of war there have been two august and significant wars. The first is the war which brought defeat to Europeans some 2000 years ago under the leadership of Hannibal. The second is the Battle of Adwa which brought defeat to European colonialism some 2000 years after the victory of Hannibal.” The Late Paulos Gnogno, in his book Ate, Menelik, p.217)

1895: On 17 September 1895 the edict of mobilisation was proclaimed by Menelik. Even After mobilisation Menelik was willing to discuss peaceful solution.

1895: The Italian Commander in chief, General Baratieri returned from Italy after a short visit prior to the break out of an all-out war. In a town called Kamera he received a warm welcome. The reception turned into a pre-mature “victory rally”. He made a speech bragging ” Within a short-time, I will take Menelik strapped on a stretcher to Rome.”

1895: Both Emperor Menelik and Itege Taitu were preparing carefully by a meticulous organisation of men, women, logistics, arms, food as the Italians were boasting of easy victory against them.

1895: The Italian confidence of quick victory was borne of the fact that they had extensive contact with the Ethiopian Rases (nobles). An Italian spy was chosen for each of the nobleman.

1895: On February 3, 1895, General Baratieri filed the following report to the Italian Ministry asserting/claiming that all the Rases (nobles) are divided. All are self-centred, concerned, thinking and working more for their own interests than their country. The king of Gojjam, he said, is an internal enemy of Menelik. Mengsha is on the verge of revolting against the Emperor. Ras Mikael is discussing with us. Ras Mekonnen is conspiring to prevent the war from taking place. The Italians even tried to spy on Ras Alula. He told them they had to be mad even to think that he would turn against his Emperor.

1895: Barateiri sent this report but failed to realize that none were against Menelik or their country. All were pretending to be the friends of Italy, but they were all informing Emperor Menelik of Italian intentions.

1895: October 11, 1895 Emperor Menelik set out for the battle in Tigray from Addis Ababa

1896: The precise number of troops engaged in battle on the Ethiopian side is not known for certain. Quoted figures include 70,000 to 80,000 out of which those with guns were 25,000. Count Anotellini puts the figure from 100, 000 to 200,000. Barateiri put it at 75,000 to 80,000. Some others put it at 150,000 and 120,000. The Training officer of the Ethiopian troops, Leontieff, put it at 107,000 troops.

1896: The troop deployment which commands majority consensus among commentaries of the time: Name of Commander Infantry Calvary Ate Menelik 30,000 12,000 Itege 3,000 6,000 Ras Mekonnem 15,000 – Ras Mengesha 12,000 – Ras Mikael 6,000 10,000 Ras Alula 3,000 Ras Mengesha Atkem 6,000 Ras Wole 10,000 Ras Wolde Giorgis 8,000 Commander W/Tasdiq 3,000 Dejazmatch Tessema Nadew 4,000 Ras Darge; Grazmatch Benti 20,000 Kegnazmatch Mekonen

1896: Italian troops were 17-20, 000 white troops excluding troops from colonies. They had 56 cannons. They had 1400 well armed troops working on logistics.

1896: On December 7, with an Ethiopian army estimated 30,00, the Battle of Amba Algae was fought. Ras Mekonen, Mikael of Wollo, Wele Bitul and some troops from Ras Mengesha participated in the battle. Outnumbered and out manoeuvred, the Italians lost more than 2,000 in dead.

1896: On January 21, The Italian fortification and seige at Makelle was broken. Menelik arrived in time and Itege Taitu used the famous control of water to annihilate the enemy. It was the decision of Menelik which saved them from complete annihilation.

1896: Menelik avoided attacking Adigrat and headed towards Adwa which Baretieri felt was a prelude to an attack on Eritrea.

1896: Baretieri headed towards Adwa and assembled 20 thousand troops (50 per cent Italian and 50 per cent Eritrean askaris) with fifty-two cannons at his immediate disposal for the battle of Adwa.

1896: On February 29 Baretieri took the decision to attack Menelik’s camp the following morning, a Sunday , and tried to defeat Menelik’s forces in the open field. Menelik had instructed his generals to decamp the army. Some suggest that he had plans to attack Italians in Eritrea.

1896: Baretieri has counted on the surprise element, on better utilisation of terrain, on superior discipline and concerted action to make up the discrepancy in numbers, which he believed would not be great on the day of the battle.

1896: Many things went wrong for the Italians: poor communication, faulty map, and poor reconnaissance, vague and misunderstood orders left Baretieri with only half his forces where he had expected them to be.

1896: Each of the three brigades (a fourth brigade was in reserve) fought isolated battles on the hills east of Adwa.

1896: Though the day was Sunday, Menelik’s troops managed to respond quickly and were ready for combat. At Six o’clock the Battle began in earnest, and in a full day of heavy fighting the Ethiopians defeated the Italian brigades one by one until all resistance was broken and the Italian retreat had turned into a complete rout.

1896: The Italians lost 7,560 dead, 1500 wounded, 3,000 prisoners of war, almost two thirds of Baretieri’s army. Baretier was left with no army, no cannons and guns.

1896: On the Ethiopian side, estimates vary from 4000 to 6000 killed and as many as 8000 badly wounded. In spite of the losses Menelik remained with his army intact with 56 cannons and 11 thousand guns acquired from the Italians.

1896: The Crispi Government fell in Rome and there was widespread protest in Italy.

1896: Menelik returned triumphantly to Addis Ababa on May 11, 1896.

1896: The Treaty of Addis Ababa was signed between confirmed Ethiopian independence and rescinded the Wuchale Treaty.

1896: Article 5 of the Treaty of Addis Ababa barred the Italian Government not to pass on territory under its occupation to a third country. If it had to do that, the territory had to be returned to Ethiopia.

1896: Article 5 of the Addis Ababa treaty can be read as affirming that: 1) Eritrea is an integral part of Ethiopia, (2) a desire by Menelik to return Eritrea through peaceful means (3) a willingness to enjoin future generations not to abandon claims on Mereb Melash provided thee problem could not be resolved under the life and reign of Menelik. Article 5 of the treaty enjoins future generations to bring Eritrea into the Ethiopian fold.

1896: Another interpretation of article 5 has been the suggestion that Menelik managed to fight Ethiopia in (through the back door so to speak) the community of European countries who used to carve territories and exchange and transact them or pass them on to third parties. He managed to achieve the political concession to place his country as a one of the third parties on a par with any European Power which signed the General Act of Berlin. The latter interpretation has served all those who wilfully equate Menlik’s achievement in extracting concession to return Eritrea where it naturally belongs with a “colonialist participation in the European Scramble for Africa.”

1896: Article 5 suggested a peaceful return of Ethiopian territory occupied by Italian Colonialism in the unlikely event that the latter abandoned Eritrea. This is more a political consequence of the Ethiopian military victory at Adwa rather than any colonial reflection on the Ethiopian Emperor.

1896: The outcome of the battle of Adwa changed the relationship of forces between Africa and Europe. Ethiopia emerged as a power in the Red Sea area.

1889-1906: Pan Africanist intellectuals like the Haitian, Benito Sylvain visited the country four times.

1903-1904: The Cuban black American descent, William H. Ellis, visited the country twice with plans for Ethiopian economic development and the resettlement of African- Americans.

Adwa inspired Africans from South Africa to the Americas, Marcus Garvey immortalised Ethiopia by incorporating the spirit of resistance of Adwa in his Black National Anthem. Emperor Menelik himself became an honorary member of one of the first Pan-African Associations organised by the Haitian, Benito Sylvain.

4. Concluding Remark

It is 110 years since the victory of Adwa. The political problems from that period still plague this nation. The Eritrean problem lives on without any closure to it. We have dictatorship and people who have come through violence and cruelly still impose themselves on the nation through violence. Ethiopia has not made dictatorship history yet. On May 15, 2005, the country experienced a democratic resurgence of unprecedented significance. Like Adwa, Ethiopians must create a symbolic resource for their struggle to democratise fully and irreversibly their society. May 15, 2006 should thus be a national day for democracy.

The call for a national democracy day resonates with the spirit of Adwa. As the Adwa military victory over foreign aggressors is a memory that still eggs on Africans through out the world to stand and be counted in order to de-colonize Africa’s future, May 15, 2006 is also a day to say never again to surrender to dictatorial elite manipulation and tyranny.

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Professor Mammo Muchie, Chair of NES-Scandinavian Chapter

Berhanu G. Balcha, Vice- Chair of NES-Scandinavian Chapter

Tekola Worku, Secretary of NES-Scandinavian Chapter

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