SPLM’s vision for the future: The need for youth reform agenda
By Yai Joseph de Dut
March 30, 2007 — In part, this is a response to the lack of Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) found in the area of Youth participation and empowerment in policy making. A review of the SPLM literature during the liberation war reveals that little work has been done to look at Youth participation in policy-making and development. There is a less focus on aspects of Youth with regard to political enliven, health issues and unemployment. While some looked at Youth participation level in the political process, also very little effort has focused on the attempts of Youth to influence public policy, or on the benefits of increased youth and women participation. With the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) on January 9th 2005, which ushered the SPLM and Sudanese people into new era of tranquility, the SPLM has embarked of late on rebuilding its national structures in the Southern and Northern sector through the implementation of a comprehensive reform agenda, aimed at propelling and realizing a sustainable improvement in the political participation. On the other, hand the SPLM led Government of Southern Sudan (GOSS), is trying to develop a modern, tolerant, and cohesive society, and in as much, to establish itself as a viable and triumphant political party and reform conceived and implemented from within. With this in mind, SPLM’s cardinal objective is geared towards a society that respects diversity in its different forms and regards it as a source of national strength and pride, where majority rule is coupled with minority rights, where the right to politically association or affiliation is guaranteed, and where personal and public freedoms are upheld in the interim constitution to meet aspirations of the SPLM masses as well as for the whole Sudan.
However, key strategic SPLM objective on Youth engagement have been identified by the birth of New Sudan Youth Association (NSYA) in late 1990s, and it was entrusted and recognized by SPLM leadership to implement a far-reaching programme with liberation methods and political reform as its first priority. The idea behind placing NSYA in political development of the SPLM/A as a prime priority stems from the belief that it is a necessary enabler of the overall reform agenda of SPLM/A after 1994 ‘National Convention’ and later to ensure that policies address the real concerns of Youth and the people of New Sudan in strengthening public support to promote Civil Authority of the New Sudan (CANS) through a vibrant national Youth activities for development.
The post-CPA era can be best described as a massive political vacuum existing in the SPLM’s NSYA-programme. Much of NSYA efforts has been engaging in the liberation war or got engaged in other aspect of civil and military services. However, the young ones known as “Jiash Ahmer” which means ‘Red Army’ in SPLA vocabulary has grown up tremendously during the SPLM/A revolt against self-appointed leaders (Northern Parties and their counterparts in the South) hijack the political process since (1955) by somehow appealing to the marginalized people’s sense of unity/collectivity, and having an agenda that is mostly about themselves, making themselves the leaders forever while neglecting the rest.
The SPLM political reform in regard to Youth’s programme has already entered an important stage when Cde Akol Paul Kurdit elected in (1999) as overall Youth leader based in Nairobi. The former SPLM Secretary-General and current Speaker of (SSLA) Honorable L. Gen Comrade James Wani Igga mandated to guide and oversee the process of Youth activities. The Secretary General of SPLM established a clear plan of action that rests on the pillar of promoting civil campaign of SPLM, and democracy through building and strengthening the institutional framework, including peaceful transfer of Youth leadership system as well as the legislative and regulatory frameworks in which they operate. The process aims to develop SPLM political programme and encourage the participation of all segments of society, particularly Youth, which lack a solid base of support and a viable platform, with the notable exception of one Youth political organization that is African Nationalist Front (NAF), it is undercover Youth and Students Organization that worked for the SPLM/A vision in the Northern Sudan specifically (Universities in Khartoum, Juba, Malakal, Wau and Wad Madeni).
Significantly, the SPLM Interim Secretariats are supporting the capacity building at sectors level (South and North), which are an integral part of the process of developing the SPLM body to ensure a more active, dynamic, and representative political party. With restrictions to prohibit racial or religious discrimination as a count to acquire membership, SPLM’s programme continues to take acclaimed steps towards safeguarding equality, freedom and prosperity in Sudan. Moreover, in support of this policy, NSYA knowingly or not found itself falling behind and isolated from SPLM current Secretariats responsibilities that encompass formulating policy, overseeing the regulation of the Youth sector and assisting in the creation of a responsible and accountable Youth environment. Absence of SPLM leading Youth Organization has created unfavorable climate for the Youth and other affiliated outlets to create a vibrant and transparent Youth activities. The work of the NSYA has been paralyzed by lack of resources, and directives as to focus on addressing complaints of their rights violations and infringements, ensuring that the appropriate procedures are adopted, and that Youth/young people are duly informed of their rights and the available means and measures for protecting them.
Nonetheless, SPLM new policies currently under review to be discussed in the proposed Interim National Convention November 2007 includes a minimum participation level for women in the government settings such as; parliament, cabinets, organized forces and civil servant has also been guaranteed through instituting a quota of 25% unlike other sectors of the society. Unfortunately, none of Youth were appointed through fair existing Youth’s mechanism to GOSS/GNU constitutional positions. Furthermore, under temporary SPLM recommendations announced at the closing of previous sessions of the SPLM/A – National Conventions held in 2003, to empower both women and Youth but there is bias implantation and Youth were victimized. The SPLM and its led government – GOSS efforts should be geared towards sponsoring excellence and innovation programmes for Youth in all spheres of life.
We are witnessing the enrichment of false leaders among us, and carrying out the corporate agenda within GNU and GOSS, while posing as spokespeople for the various political strains of thought in the communities particularly in the South. The most strident example of the syndrome are traditional politicians of all ages never retired-elders pretended to be SPLM but working against SPLM development, NCP bogus jobseekers, and our own SPLM Chameleons wavering with the currencies only after their personal interests and have their own political parties outside SPLM movement credentials.
Given the lack of a viable political alternative programme for the SPLM’s Youth, which is supposed to be the right wing agenda of the SPLM, the youth continues to give tacit support to the SPLM of the Southern and Northern masters. The fact that churches, schools, cattle camps, rural villages and towns Youth have been a historic pillar in the struggle of the marginalized masses; socially, politically and spiritually. But with the lack of a sustaining political mass movement that would demand accountability of its leadership, the SPLM leadership has to enrich themselves with multi-approach to break the siege of isolation around the Youth agenda, is a conduit to the reform. The need for a political alternative programme for the Youth reform agenda is paramount. The NCP, our partner in the CPA and others profited from our political weakness in party internal organization and supremacy in the North for 52 years of so-called independence of Sudan. The gains made during the liberation wars since (1955 and 1983 – 2005), specifically under SPLM movement came out of blood, sweat and tears of hard working youth, particularly the students and poor people from villages with less education.
The other challenge paradox is exhibition of the social power of so-called elders politicians from the South upon Youth in the South which is doesn’t exist in the North, brought huge pressure to bear on the establishment of the movement in (1983) and all of us know the tale but late Dr. John Garang and his comrades in the High Command Council of SPLM/A proved them wrong and they have done well. However the denial of basic democratic rights for Youth to select its leaders in the South was also an embarrassment for the SPLM led Governments (GOSS and GNU). Youth of Southern Sudan deserved a separate Commission as well as to empower SPLM Youth wing. I believe that it will be through social struggle by the Youth, women, people of villages and the poor that genuine SPLM national political party of the working class will emerge. Despite the apparent setback in SPLM reform agenda, other opportunities to advance independent Youth politics within its own setting will arise in the next period.
To change the state of the Southern Sudan and other areas described as marginalized will require a movement of the grassroots; Youth particularly the Students, workers, and women, because of their potential social and political power. We need people’s movement (SPLM Party) that is multi-ethnic, gender balanced, democratic, accountable and politicized, learning the valuable lessons from the strategies of our long history of struggle and fight for equal rights.
In contrast, I think political corporations are replaceable. I am trying to find ways to rationally and morally to how to convince enough political leaders of the efficacy of some changes that the changes occur. Of course we must start from where we are, where else? The point is, we must also attain goals in ways that are immune to rollback and in ways that aim to arrive where we want to wind up, this process required wider engagement of the grassroots. If political elites of SPLM function within the logic of “elderism” and domestic corporate relations, then they will not seek the changes Youth expect and would like to advocate for. If they are compelled by or are even representatives of massive self-conscious of SPLM movement, that is very different, and very promising intention. It seems to me that movements will only grow sufficiently large and committed to win truly major victories in the next election 2009, if they are both political and economic strong as well as gender, age, class and culture focussed. I think even to be strong enough to win major Youth support, much less to loose a whole new society, SPLM as a party will have to scare elites into believing they are not only option available and they might grow “old politically in idea” to seek and win much more for the SPLM, if not placated, and the most obvious way to induce that fear is, of course, to be overtly seeking much more investments in Youth’s programme. In other words, the strategic irony is that a movement with revolutionary aspirations is not only better for making a revolution, but it is also better for winning major reforms such as reconstructed SPLM Youth Organizations.
The goal was to build an impressionistic model of national political party (SPLM) the conditions contributing to effective implementation of reformative agenda towards Youth sector. I believe that institutions can serve as a resource to promote civic entities such as Youth from low-wealth to the top of other settings. This notion ignores the role of elites not only but will be essential to any process of sustained democratization of SPLM politically. While pursuing changes at the national level, whether revolutionary or gradual, is urgently required, sustained democratic transition can only be achieved if accompanied by local participation of all SPLM settings; women, Youth, Students …etc.
In the current political climate, with only limited options available for national-level transition, re-emergent civil society related networks which represent an important vehicle for long-term, grassroots democratization of SPLM party, especially in ethnic nationality areas should be based on merits and capability to do required tasks not only on representation of ethnic group. Furthermore, Youth Organizations actors often have access to areas which are out-of-bounds to governmental agencies, hence Youth have access to the communities they belonged to, in ways that could help to build local capacities and human capital. The tentative re-emergence of SPLM Youth networks within and between ethnic nationalities/communities has been one of the most significant and aspects of the social and political dominant situation in Southern Sudan over the past decades. Efforts to build local democracy are already underway at Counties level. Although these local initiatives will not bring about national-level change in themselves, it must be centrally-directed reforms and accompanied or even proceeded by such involvement of Youth in decision-making. Redefining of political participation to include all politically relevant aspects of grassroots especially Youth in the South, makes it much easier to comprehend how Youth can be both subjects and objects of change simultaneously.
Yet that focus should not be based and depend on elites-elders thoughts and neglecting an essential element of democracy’s performance, and grooming leadership capital through ability to deliver outcomes. Leadership capital consists of the competence, integrity, and capacities for performance that leaders may have or bring to bear on society’s problems. However, it is grounded and unfolds in a society’s culture and psychology of Youth groups.
In my view, SPLM’s vision for the Youth future reform agenda should cover the following:
Firstly; there is currently a general beg-off in the trust between Youth and elderly politicians within SPLM’s institutions as a result of the public’s belief that SPLM structures/institutions are failing to serve Youth agenda, we need to avoid that apathetic idea as SPLM and to re-build trust, cooperation and responsibility between SPLM leaders, its governments and the grassroots, Youth must be included in the decision-making process.
Secondly; involving diverse grassroots; students, women, Youth and workers whether females or males within the policymaking process provides SPLM and its governments with various perspectives, opportunities for new solutions at the policy implementation stage, and is cost effective. People usually say that including youth in the policy-making realm necessitates that it can contribute to greater public awareness, understanding and therefore promotes practical civic education.
Thirdly; increasing the capacity of Youth and the SPLM leadership to interact and develop policy in a manner that can lead to strengthen democracy and provide avenues for Youth, women and students organizations to become more involved. As a relatively large segment of society, Youth are potentially a key ingredient in combating public mistrust of government, promoting better policy-making, and a strengthened democracy: Youth possess unique ideas that relate specifically to that stage of their lives. If the SPLM and its government are interested in making policy that resonates with the younger generation, it must work to bridge the generation gap by including youth in the policy-making process.
Fourthly; involving Youth more actively in the policy process will help to demonstrate their capabilities and combat these negative perceptions about SPLM strategies. Their participation helps them to develop critical thinking, leadership and organizational skills, while giving them a better understanding of the workings of government and party. These experiences equip young people with the tools they need to be active members of their communities. In order to foster their return, SPLM and its government must become more responsive to the needs of Youth and at the same time demonstrate that public policy development has vital implications in enhancing the quality of political life.
Fifthly; separation/clear demarcation of roles and the degree of affiliation between SPLM Youth as political wing and general Southern Sudan Youth organizations, therefore NSYA needs to be unpacked and reform. I am proposing youth conference to be organized for this purpose the sooner the better. In order to help simplify the range of Youth models, initiatives and activities that exist at the local, state and national level, SPLM leadership needs to create pure SPLM Youth wing with clear political mandate and accountable to SPLM’s Interim Secretariats, while other Southern Sudan Youth Organizations should fall under the Ministry of Sport, Youth and Culture – GOSS. SPLM’s NSYA surveyed demonstrated that there is a lack of focus about its activities and constituency rather directives need to target its efforts and energies, this is the right moment to separate and unpack NSYA mandates as overall Youth organization in New Sudan Regions; South Sudan, Nuba Mountains, Abyei, Southern Blue Nile and of recent Eastern part of Sudan.
It is important for Youth to remember, when collaborating or partnering with “professional politician-elders” of the Southern Sudan to establish a clear set of objectives, expectations and parameters to the working relationship. Failure to do so can lead to “experienced taking over junior” pushing Youth to the side and forcing them to play a much smaller role in the decision-making process and lack of clarity about roles and expectations can lead to some unfulfilled expectations and disillusionment with the process. In forging the future, SPLM’s vision for the future needs Youth reform agenda, will have to collaborate with attitude change of the elders, but on ideas more pertinent of the historical circumstances that lie ahead than those of the past.
* Author is based in the Southern Sudan capital, Juba. He can be reached at [email protected]