Revitalising the Darfur peace process
By Mahmoud A. Suleiman
June 16, 2008 – Saturday the 10th of May 2008 was a red letter day that the Darfur rebel Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) finally sent a surprise message to the government of Sudan and the International Community. In the aftermath of the Operation Long Arm (OLA), the Battle of Omdurman, political analysts believe strongly that cessation of hostilities as a matter of urgency to start serious peace talks to resolve the crisis in Darfur and that commitment of the Government of Sudan (GOS) to the political process as the only way to resolve the conflict in Darfur. Experts in Darfur affairs and its armed rebel movements point out that JEM has emerged as the most effective rebel movement in Darfur, where ethnic Africans took up arms against the government of Sudan (GOS) in 2003 to protest discrimination. The attack by rebels from the Justice and Equality Movement, based hundreds of miles to the west in Darfur, also has implications for the efforts to revitalize political negotiations on Darfur. Jean-Marie Guehenno told reporters in a briefing to the U.N. Security Council, said that the surprise rebel attack on Khartoum which took place “during an alarming increase of violence in Darfur itself, has implications for the operations of the joint African Union-United Nations peacekeeping force, a major challenge for all of us”.
A good many political observers assert that the way forward for a peaceful resolution of the Darfur Crisis rests, as well, on adopting “the root-cause approach” which looks into the Darfur crisis in the context of whole Sudan rather than “the symptom-focused approach” which resulted into worsening of the situation almost six years on and an eventual abject failure of the infamous DPA. In other wards, the Darfur conflict to be taken as an acute symptom of a chronic governance collapse of statehood. A peaceful settlement to the conflict in Darfur continues to pose enormous challenges for the international community. The need for a new strategy for a just and peaceful resolution to the Darfur conflict is overdue and obvious, given the enormous amount of misery piled upon misery, loss of human life, loss of assets, large scale displacement of the population to become refugees and human rights abuses it has spawned. People’s lives have been turned upside down with loss of livelihood. In spite of this, the GOS continues in its denial of existence of a conflict in Darfur and reportedly accusing “outside powers” of “fabricating” the Darfur crisis. This remains a major obstacle to a peaceful resolution of the civilian population in Darfur. What is worse is the deplorable inaction of the UN Security Council (UNSC) Resolutions on Darfur which have sent wrong signals to the GOS to carry out its atrocious policies in Darfur with impunity despite misery and hardship for millions of the people of Sudan in Darfur. Rebel rift adds further suffering to the people of the region.
Adoption of new strategies would offer a window of opportunity to put an end to this long crisis in Darfur; any opportunity must be seized, to resolve the conflict The parties in the conflict must admit that there can be no military solution to the conflict in Darfur and that it is incumbent upon the government of Sudan (GOS) and the rebel groups to enter into talks to reach a political settlement. Prior to that, it is duty on the GOS to admit and acknowledge the fact that the conflict in Darfur has genuine root causes among which systematic institutional marginalisation that resulted into lack of development and deprivation of the citizens in the region of their legitimate rights. The declaration of the National Congress Party (NCP/NIF) president Marshal Omar Hassan al-Bashir that his government will not negotiate with the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) following JEM rebels’ surprised bold unprecedented attack, in daylight, on Saturday 10th May 2008 and fought fierce battles with the Sudan Armed Force (SAF) on the outskirts of the capital Khartoum, is considered cause for concern. He also accused Israel of financing the Darfur rebel group and that holds Chad responsible of the attack. However, al-Jazeera English satellite TV news media reported this weekend that al-Bashir has said that a deal with rebels was imminent! It is not clear with which rebels the NCP regime plans to strike the reported deal. This maybe encouraging, though, such rhetoric in the recent past did not come true! Unfortunately, this president is renowned for his ad hoc impulsive and random politically damaging statements. This has been attributed largely to his character traits and inadequacy of presidential advisors such as his close friend defence minister Abdelrahim Mohammed Hussein. No matter what happens, the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) considers itself a record within the Darfur armed movements which cannot be bypassed or overcome if the international community has a desire to reach a genuine settlement for the conflict in Darfur. Jan Pronk, former U.N. envoy to Sudan said: “The government of Khartoum may be under more pressure now to take negotiations seriously, but that will depend on the pressure on the government from the international community,” “The international community dropped the ball,” he said, suggesting more effort to get the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) rebels to join Darfur peace talks could have prevented the attack.
Options for the Darfur Conflict Resolution from JEM perspective depend on the answers of the following questions: Who are the key actors in the conflict? What are the conditions on the ground in Darfur? How prepared the adversaries in the conflict are? Has the international community (AU-UN) inalized its homework with respect to mediation and other related issues? Has the GOS changed its position of no negotiation with JEM? And finally, what is the situation regarding initiatives pledged by the UK and other EU member countries for hosting Darfur peace talks?
The above are sixty four dollar questions the answers to which are not at hand at this point in time. Moreover, there is no quick fix for the Darfur crisis. However, the consensus opinion on the way forward to revitalising the Darfur Peace Process may be outlined as follows regardless of positions of the adversaries in the Darfur conflict:
– AU-UN brokered Mediation has been proved abject failure. Restructure of the mediation process by appointing a single mediator speaking with one voice for the international community along with the formation of a contact group of international partners, made up of the U.S., China, the UK, France, Norway, the EU, the Arab League, Eritrea, Libya and Chad, to support the core mediation team.
– Attaining a credible functioning Framework Ceasefire agreement, accepted by all parties, monitored and enforced by both the AU/UN hybrid force in Darfur and a UN force in Chad would help build trust and facilitate an eventual peace agreement.
– For future peace negotiations to succeed, effective pressure including multilateral punitive measures on the NCP regime when it opts for achieving military victory by waging war and defying international demands as long as it fears no reprisal.. A U.S.- China understanding is central to this, which in turn requires Beijing to recognise that its legitimate interests and investments in Sudan are threatened by the continuation of the Darfur crisis and its impact on the CPA.
– Give rebel unification time to succeed before resuming negotiations and support the process by providing logistical aid, coordinating and streamlining the multiple unification efforts and pressing the NCP not to sabotage unification conferences. The International Community to work towards unifying the rebel movements with the view to developing a common negotiation agenda. Earlier rushed attempts such as the Sirte (Libya) gathering in October 2007 have led to further factionalisation and difficulties in negotiations.
– Set a realistic timeframe for the negotiations and resist imposing unrealistic, external deadlines.
– Venue for peace talks needs to be easily accessible to all parties, impartial and not a party in the recent events of attack on Omdurman by the forces of the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM). For instance, Egypt was involved in detaining JEM senior members in Cairo during the events and later expelled them.
– The infamous Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) signed on 5/5/2006, must not be taken as a base to determine future negotiations.
– Broadening participation in the future peace talks by creating a formal group of representatives from key Darfur constituencies left out of past negotiation rounds, namely Darfur’s Arab tribes, IDP communities, women’s groups and civil society, though rational, realistic approach to engage them is needed, given their prior representation in the Darfur rebel movements.
– More proactive role from the Sudan Peoples Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M) in its capacity as a partner in the Government of National Unity GNU during the future Darfur talks is paramount.
– The witch-hunt of Darfuris in the national capital of Sudan by the National Congress Party (NCP) National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS) in the aftermath of the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) attack on Omdurman is counterproductive and should cease. Arbitrary arrests, torture and extra-judicial executions of Darfuris in the Sudanese capital as a pretext of their perceived membership in the movement. Arrests included all categories of Darfuris living in the National Capital of Sudan: women and men, students, civil servants, labourers, housewives and children based on the form of their physical features, skin colour and the tone of their Arabic dialect, a blatant human rights abuse and racial discrimination. The NISS and the police have been raiding houses of Darfuris and their families. The arrests of Darfuris in public places have been mostly based on their appearance, age, accent, and the colour of their skin. Even Darfuris working in the NISS for years have been arrested!
– It is high time for disarming and disbanding the Militias loyal to the Government of Sudan (GOS) known as Janjaweed, which have been converted into what is known as border guards in concealment of the truth.
– It is incumbent on the International Community to see the rules governing the treatment of prisoners of war (POWs) are applied properly on the cases of JEM combatants arrested during the Omdurman Battle.
– The ad hoc inflammatory language of the president of the Government of Sudan (GOS/GNU) that his NCP will not negotiate with the JEM is hardly conducive to settlement of the Darfur conflict. The government of the National Unity (GNU) in which the SPLA needs to withdraw that statement.
– The JEM and the other Darfur rebel movements are freedom fighters for a noble cause of their people who have been the victims of oppression, marginalisation, and denial of legitimate rights, racial discrimination, ethnic cleansing and genocide. Accordingly, it is absurd and ridiculous that the NCP regime dares unashamedly to ask its allies in the Arab League for the justice and equality movement to be considered a terrorist organisation! It is not surprising to hear such rhetoric from this regime. This week Sudan president labelled the ICC as a ‘terrorist organization’! This is the regime presided over U.N. officials estimate of as many as 300000 people have been killed, 2.5 million have been driven from their homes living in camps as refugees and displaced persons.
– On 2 May 2007, Pre-Trial Chamber 1 issued warrants of arrest for crimes against humanity and war crimes for Ahmed Muhammad Haroun, former Minister of State for the Interior of the Government of Sudan (GOS) and currently Minister of State for Humanitarian Affairs, and Ali Muhammad Ali Abd-Al-Rahman (“Ali Kushayb”), a leader of the Militia/Janjaweed. The National Congress Party (NCP) government refused to cooperate. Having examined the request and evidence submitted by the ICC Prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo, the Chamber concluded that “there are reasonable grounds to believe that Ahmed Haroun, by virtue of his position, had knowledge of the crimes committed against the civilian population and of the methods used by the Militia/Janjaweed; and that in his public speeches Ahmad Harun not only demonstrated that he knew that the Militia/Janjaweed were attacking civilians and pillaging towns and villages, but also personally encouraging the commission of such illegal acts.” It is long due for the UN Security Council (UNSC) to shoulder its legal, political and humanitarian responsibilities to end the aggression by more prompt action in this respect.
– The Alex de Waal – Julie Flint Company and others of their ilk must not be considered as the so-called ‘expert advisors’ to the International Community during the upcoming Darfur peace talks. They were implicated in the irreparable wreckage of the Abuja peace negotiations rounds. Their impartiality has been brought into question. Their negative positions on the conflict in Darfur and the strong bias against the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) have seriously damaged the couple’s credibility as experts.
– The government of Sudan’s National Security and Intelligence Services (NISS) have been carrying extrajudicial operations, indiscriminate round-ups, detentions, interrogations, torture and Summary Executions, immediately following the May 10 attacks, aimed to target the Darfuri community in Khartoum and the surrounding areas in the pretext that they are affiliated with the JEM attack of Omdurman. Given the government’s poor human rights record and pattern of indiscriminate use of force against civilian populations during the ongoing genocide in Darfur, sources and analysts fear that the reports of these operations could be only the tip of the iceberg. The harassment and detention of lawyers and journalists in Khartoum also raises serious concerns about the government’s attempt to conceal its operations.
– The people of Darfur call on their comrades in the Sudan Peoples Liberation Movement (SPLM) not to allow the Nazi National Congress Party (NZNCP) to exploit their presence in the so-called Government of National Unity (GNU) to shield it from international criticism and censor. Condemnation of the attack on Omdurman sends wrong signals to the apartheid genocidal regime of the National Islamic Front (NIF/NCP). Omer Bashir’s regime in Khartoum has taken advantage of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) it signed with the Sudan Peoples Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) in Naivasha on the pretext of prolonging its survival in power and to keep it solo with laws restricting freedoms and state of emergency in the country to continue indefinitely.
– The close economic ties of China, permanent member of the UN Security Council (UNSC), with the repressive Government of Sudan (GO) obstructs International Community efforts to promote human rights in Darfur. China supports the National Congress Party (NCP) regime financially, militarily and politically at the UNSC by Veto waving. The China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) owns 8 of the 19 ‘Oil Blocks’ in Sudan with a monopoly of extraction, transportation, storage and refining. China needs oil for continued growth which includes construction for the Olympics. Beyond oil infrastructure, China has concessions to establish the Khartoum-Port Sudan railway, the Merowe and Kajbar Dams. China sold Khartoum on average 90% of its small arms, $55 million worth, through 2006.Moreover, the Chinese provided technical assistance to GOS domestic arms manufacturing sector to establish 3 assembly plants for small arms and ammunition, located at Kalakla, Chojeri and Bager. They produce light and heavy machine guns, rocket launchers, mortars, antitank weapons and ammunition. Al-Bashir said Sudan has become entirely self-sufficient in conventional arms production. As the profitability of the GOS oil sector has developed and enabled Bashir’s inner circle to firmly hold on power violence in Darfur has escalated.
– Russia provides three quarters of GOS imports of heavy machinery arsenal. This included a dozen of MiG-29s attack aircrafts, more than 15 Mi- 24p helicopter gunships and at least 60 modern armored personnel carriers.
– Russia and China should immediately terminate arms transfer to GOS to ensure that the embargo imposed by the UNSC resolutions 1556 and 1592 (2005) are fully implemented. China also should immediately terminate any other form of military support to the GOS, including training activities. China should pressure GOS to immediately ratify and implement the Nairobi Protocol for the Prevention, Control and Reduction of Small Arms and Light Weapons in the Great Lakes Region and the Horn of Africa, to which Sudan is a signatory.
– The neighbouring countries of the region, namely, Eritrea, Libya, Chad and Egypt have contributed tirelessly to find a way out of Darfur’s crisis. The people of Darfur feel indebted to them for their help. However, observers think that their efforts had been negatively influenced by their competing interests with regard to unification of rebel groups, unfair favouring of one rebel at the expense of another, competition on venue of talks and the support given to the government of Sudan in whatever it wanted to do. The heavy handed approach of some of these countries proved damaging in the previous Darfur peace talks needs to be avoided. Lessons of past intervention by the players of the region deserve to be leant. Enormous challenges of building a society based on equality, democracy and human rights in Sudan lie ahead. The continuing discord and disunity among the Darfur rebel movements is a disaster in the making.
Everybody knows that the NCP regime is not keen on resolving the conflict in Darfur or in elsewhere in Sudan. This is because the elements of the regime want the chaotic state in the country to remain as such at all costs in order that they can justify their continued reign with a view to avoid the predicaments of the atrocities committed in Darfur under their command. For the last five years or so the whole Darfur area has been a crime scene brought about by Sudan Armed Force (SAF) and their allied militias. This pack of genocidaires dreads the fate of its members at the International Criminal Court (ICC) for the war crimes and crimes against humanity they carried out on innocent civilians in Darfur. It is clear that the NCP regime would not care at all even if Sudan disintegrates into canton states as long as the “Abdelrahim Hamdi Triangle” remains viable and their firm grip on power prevails. The hard truth may hurt; some Arab supremacist members of the National Congress Party (NCP) advocate racial segregation, ethnic cleansing and call for the separation of the Northern Region (Shamaliya) from the rest of Sudan! They will not leave power, whatever the outcome. Those who are betting on democracy and nationally compromised consensus agreement with the NCP are dreaming in cloud-cuckoo-land, or living in an Alice in Wonderland world! It is also a fantasy for those who seek to share power and wealth with president al-Bashir’s government. Sudanese political forces should not expect any political concessions from the ruling National Congress Party. The system of the governance in Sudan preserves monopoly of power and wealth for the NCP. The elements in this authoritarian establishment would not leave the presidential palace without being forcibly removed at gunpoint as they did when they seized power, without legal right, in a military coup d’état in June 1989 by toppling a democratically elected government. NCP regime has caused an irreparable damage to the social fabric of the people of Sudan through intimidation, inducement and application of the evil doctrine of ‘Divide and Rule’.
Political analysts wonder earnestly whether the traditional political parties in Sudan have learned the lessons from their experiences with the NCP/NIF regime during the past two decades. If the answer is no that is a great calamity to our country; if it is yes what future plan ‘B’ they envisage?! Legitimate rights will inevitably be achieved so long as there are pressing demands; Rights will not be lost by the passage of time. What the future holds in store for Darfur will largely depends on the unity of action of its people. Strength lies in their strive for unity.
Dr. Mahmoud A. Suleiman is the Deputy Chairman of the General Congress for Justice and Equality Movement (JEM). He can be reached at [email protected]