Sudan war and the neglect of human tragedy
Eiman Seifeldin
The ongoing conflict in Sudan, now in its 21st month, represents an unprecedented form of warfare characterized by severe ethnic violence, particularly against the Masalit tribe. This protracted struggle exacerbated inter-tribal tensions within Sudan, with hate speech emerging as a pervasive element intrinsically linked to hostilities. The complexity of the conflict is further compounded by the intersection of various interests and factions, with militia groups serving as proxies for external powers. The discourse surrounding this conflict is marred by graphic depictions of violence, including references to bodily harm and sexual assault on women. Paradoxically, this war was purportedly waged in the pursuit of democratic ideals. Meanwhile, civilians continue to face dire circumstances, relying on Sudan Arm Forces that have yet to fulfil their mandate of protection effectively.
Despite reports by the UN Office of the Coordination of Humanitarian Aid (OCHA), a conspicuous lack of international engagement has marked the Sudanese conflict. The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and the European Union’s (EU) response to the crisis primarily consisted of imposing ineffective sanctions on selected Rapid Support Force RSF, also known as Janjaweed and SAF military leaders. This action appeared to be more of a symbolic gesture for media attention than a substantive effort to address ongoing humanitarian disasters. These punitive measures proved largely inconsequential for individuals lacking substantial assets or those who routinely engage in diplomatic negotiations in various capital cities.
The Union’s sanctions targeted a single individual of significance: the younger sibling of the militia commander Algoni Daglo. Intriguingly, despite the imposition of asset-freezing measures and a travel ban in October of the current year, Algoni Daglo continued to move freely across major European cities, including London and the Hague and even attended an academic event at Erasmus University. This development elicited profound concern among Sudanese refugees in Europe, as it suggested the militia’s apparent disregard for sanctions imposed by the European Union.
The aftermath of World War II marked the last instance in which nations witnessed the complete dissolution of sovereign states due to armed conflict. Comprehensive destruction encompassed all facets of civilian infrastructure, including medical facilities, places of worship, academic institutions, transportation networks, administrative and commercial structures, military complexes, and private residences. Major urban centres experienced mass evacuations, with Khartoum, the national capital boasting a population of nearly eight million, being particularly affected. The displacement of its inhabitants resulted in the transformation of certain areas into desolate landscapes, benefits of human presence, and inhabitation solely by felines and emaciated canines.
The disintegration of a nation-state can be attributed to the unchecked growth of paramilitary organizations and their unrestrained military operations, which operate outside the bounds of established wartime conventions and basic survival principles. A combination of ideological motivations, financial incentives, resource acquisition, and an insatiable desire for authority propels these entities. Furthermore, certain political factions erroneously concluded that the most efficient route to power acquisition lay in the framework agreement rejected by the Sudanese rather than fostering a more inclusive political landscape encompassing all relevant stakeholders. Subsequently, these factions prioritized the deconstruction of the Sudanese armed forces, envisioning a process of assimilation into the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) militias, as conceptualized by themselves or their influential backers.
The ongoing conflict is characterized by a series of grave human rights violations, including extrajudicial executions, forced enslavement of women, deliberate starvation of children, and systematic sexual assaults on defenceless women. Political figures continue to align themselves with factions supporting the RSF militia, disregarding the flagrant breaches of international humanitarian law and human rights conventions. Simultaneously, others endorse the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) as a national institution tasked with safeguarding citizens and preserving territorial integrity and state sovereignty—a mandate the military has yet to fulfil despite its efforts effectively.
The protracted nature of the conflict is attributed to the sustained military and logistical assistance provided by the UAE to the RSF militia, whereas the global community remains mainly unresponsive to the crisis compared to the wars in Ukraine and Palestine, revealing inequitable and systematic neglect by the media and international leaders to the world’s largest hunger crisis.
Sudanese have undergone extensive demographic shifts, with its population experiencing multiple cycles of forced relocation, both within and beyond its borders. Global attention remains conspicuously absent from El Fasher, a city that has endured an eight-month siege and has served as the epicentre of Sudan’s ongoing conflict. The Rapid Support Force (RSF) militias encircled El Fasher, formerly home to 1.8 million residents. These armed groups have perpetrated violent incursions into residential zones and indiscriminate artillery barrages at public gatherings, repeatedly targeting the Zamzam camp. Consequently, the civilian population finds itself in an acutely perilous and dire predicament.
The plight of civilians has reached a critical juncture, with the magnitude of the crisis exemplified by the cessation of paper-currency transactions. Financial exchanges now occur exclusively through digital platforms, which are inaccessible to numerous displaced individuals who lack both electronic accounts and mobile devices. Urban infrastructure has been significantly compromised by widespread network outages, with communication limited to call centres that employ satellite connections via the StarLink network.
El Fasher, the Darfur Sultanate’s historical seat and Sultan Ali Dinar’s former residence, holds strategic importance in safeguarding northern states from RSF militia incursions. This city also functions as a crucial counterpart to El Obeid, which hosts an oil refinery. Among the five Darfur states, El Fasher is the last unconquered capital. Its defence is maintained by a coalition of forces, including signatories of the Juba Agreement, such as the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) under Minni Minawi’s leadership and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) led by Dr Gibril Ibrahim. The defensive alliance also encompasses various Darfur armed factions, namely the Tambur Movement, Al-Fuka Movement, and Sudan Liberation Movement, alongside Sudanese armed forces. Should El Fasher fall, it would potentially allow militia groups to establish a governing body and advance their agenda of fragmenting Sudan, thereby seizing control over the region’s abundant uranium, gold, and natural gas reserves.
In Central Darfur and Al-Gezira State, the RSF Janjaweed militias officially declared the formation of civilian authority. The Rapid Support Forces established a civilian governance structure in Gezira State, located in central Sudan, consisting of an executive president with gubernatorial status and a constituent council. This initiative garnered the support of various political entities at the onset of the conflict. Notably, several appointees of these newly formed bodies were affiliated with the dissolved National Congress Party NCP. For instance, Mohamed Ahmed Hassan was appointed on May 29, 2024, to lead civil administration in the South Darfur state. Similarly, Yusuf Abdel Karim and his deputy, Alamir Abdel Ghani Haroun, were designated to the popular body of Central Darfur state. The designated personnel are entrusted with the supervision of civil service functions and the facilitation of liaison with humanitarian organizations. In this context, the militia employed the forced conscription of young civilians in their ranks. The areas controlled by the militia served as a recruitment source, as did the contingents that originated from beyond the borders.
The actions of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) militia constitute a deliberate and systematic extermination of the Sudanese population, potentially amounting to genocide and war crimes. This is accomplished through multiple mechanisms, including imposed isolation, starvation, dehydration through the destruction of water infrastructure, depletion of sustenance sources, and disruption of governmental capacities to provide essential services to vulnerable citizens. The situation is particularly acute in the Darfur region, unfolding under global observation and cognizance.
The primacy of justice as a fundamental pillar and principal instrument for ensuring the accountability of perpetrators remains undisputed. The delay in international justice has catalyzed militia groups to perpetrate further atrocities within the region, escalating in both frequency and magnitude. Notably, investigations conducted by the International Criminal Court and various human rights entities have provided substantial evidence of genocidal acts against the Massalit tribe and other African ethnic groups. These findings are corroborated by the occurrence of multiple massacres in Geneina, Ardamta, and the surrounding areas within West Darfur. In light of these circumstances, there is a great expectation that the ICC Prosecutor, Mr. Karim Khan, will proceed with the issuance of arrest warrants for individuals responsible for orchestrating these egregious acts of violence.
Sudanese people must recognize that a return to political maneuvering, extravagance, and ineffective agreements is no longer viable, given persistent insecurity and military conflicts. The only feasible course of action involves collective Sudanese dialogue to establish a primary agenda. This agenda should prioritize the cessation of hostilities through militia demobilization, weapons retrieval, security enhancement, and repatriation of displaced individuals and migrants. Moreover, it must address the humanitarian crisis threatening 21 million Sudanese lives and initiate a comprehensive plan for postwar reconstruction and development. Nevertheless, the attainment of these objectives is contingent upon mutual comprehension and concerted efforts in service of Sudan’s future, as envisioned by the December Revolution’s principles of freedom, peace, and justice.