South Sudan: Violence mortality rate in peacetime
By Steve Paterno
April 26, 2009 — In Sudan’s civil war of the past two decades, the death of about two and half million people, as a result of conflict and war related causes, occurred between both Southern and Northern Sudanese, with the Southerners being affected the most. Since the signing of the South-North peace agreement four years ago, the death rate related to violence seems to have increased among the Southern Sudanese, compared to the wartime. Perhaps, bombs stopped raining indiscriminately on civilian targets or may be the South-North armies have not engaged each other in all out combat. However, the low intensity armed violence as a result of ethnic feuds, Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) brutalities, South-North armies’ tensions, and lawlessness that are order of the day, the distinctions between war and peace becomes oblique.
Ethnic feuds are on rise and violent conflicts among tribes are escalating in magnitude and intensity. Historically, such vicious patterns of violence are prevalent among the pastoralist and cattle keeping communities of South Sudan . However, the involvement of political elements in fueling the violence and the use of state apparatus in waging tribal conflicts complicated this age-old phenomenon. In one of his usual addresses at the church in Juba , Salva Kiir the president of South Sudan recently acknowledged that some people of authority are involved in “igniting” these conflicts. Interestingly, in President Kiir’s own state of Warrap, politicians in high level government positions are implicated in Dinka inter-clan battles. For example, Kiir is reported to have once secretly threatened annihilation of the Dinka Apuk clan, which has been in conflict with his own Dinka Awan clan. Presidential Affairs State Minister in the government of national unity, Lual Achuil who hails from Dinka Kuac clan, which is also involves in the inter-clan conflicts, is even more blunt by mobilizing in public the Dinka clans of Kuac, Aguok, Twic, and Awan to gang against the Apuk clan.
The hostilities among South Sudanese politicians who hail from these Dinka warring clans was said to have reached its fever pitch when President Salva Kiir of Awan clan and the SPLA deputy chief of staff (in-law of the President), Salva Mathog of Apuk clan could not see eye to eye, when it comes to village conflicts. Prominent names from the area like Gen. Malong Awan of Awiel, the late Dr. Justin Yaac an advisor to the president of South Sudan, and the late South Sudan Minister for Defense, Gen. Dominic Dim, who are both from Dinka Twic clan; were all implicated in some ways in these hostilities among high level officials. Uniform soldiers and military supplies including trucks, weapons and ammunitions are suspected to be used in tribal battles. Since the signing of the peace, an uncounted number of civilians have been killed in tribal war fueled by politicians. Thousands more are displaced from their own homes. Villages such as Liethnom, Panachier and the surroundings of Gogrial and Alek are laid in ruins, because they are set ablaze by these tribal warriors. The United Nations can testify to this agony, because its compound in Panachier was burned down in these firefights. One concern member from the affected communities, Professor John Akec lamented that what “these communities are doing to themselves; Arabs did not do in the South in our 50 years history of war with the North.”
Such stories of brutalities among tribes are common place in the region including in Lakes States and across the boundaries into the other South Sudanese states. With the recent conflicts in Upper Nile, Jongolei State among the tribes of Nuer, Dinka, and Murle, the stakes are raised high. Last month in one incident of armed violent that pitted the Nuer against the Murle, almost one thousand people were massacred in an instant, villages razed aground, people uprooted from their homes, and properties looted. Here again, the people of authority, in the military particularly, are implicated to either be complacence, negligent or to have participated in the conflict. The conflict which is far from ending is still ongoing with daily reports of raids and counter raids.
The involvement of foreign elements such as the brutal LRA in causing more insecurity, death, and destruction, should have led to the declaration of South Sudan to be in the state of war, if that has not happened yet. The brutal activities of LRA, especially in Western Equatoria have caused one of the unbearable humanitarian crises. The influx of internally displaced persons is on a rise. Sudan still holds the world record as a country with largest internally displaced persons. The people, who could live in their homes in the last two decades war, cannot any more enjoy their homes. The towns like Yambio have already reached its maximum capacity in accepting the displaced persons. Those Southern Sudanese who once fled during the wartime cannot return to their own homes. As if living in an isolated region in Western Equatoria, the civilians are left to fend for their own defense—risking up defending against machine guns with merely homemade weapons such as arrows, bows and spears.
The distrust between the South-North armies and the tendencies of Khartoum regime to destabilize the South Sudan put the region in a constant state of war and fear. Matter of fact, as far as the regimes in Khartoum is concerned, the state of emergency has been declared in South Sudan since 1955, and the declaration remains in effect till today. Ever since, South Sudan is a militarized and unsecured zone. Military roadblocks and checkpoints mark the landscape of South Sudanese towns and villages. To get from one point of the town to the other, a travel permit is required. Curfews restrict free movements. Status, ownership, and survivability are associated with militarism. Actually, the highest official in South Sudan is a certain Lieutenant General of the armed forces, followed by the other army Generals. The best houses, cars, and even food are reserved for the military. Survival depends on how well one can militarily defend himself.
On intervals, when such imposed order of state of emergency is a bit disturbed, the real battles flared up. In other words, when the people of South Sudan defy such state of fear imposed on them by trying to be free; they are physically confronted in face-off battles. Since the signing of the peace agreement, the Khartoum armies either directly or through its proxy militias launched occasional attacks against South Sudan . This then begs the question whether there is really peace in the country with these provocations displayed by occasional armed incursions.
The state of lawlessness in South Sudan is something that observers fear can plunge the country into deep anarchy. Rule of law is conspicuously absent just as it was during the war. Statistically, if the on going death rate due to violence is compared into the past two decades’ war, the difference will be insignificant. Yet, this will still not account for the death toll caused by and associated with mass displacements, which is directly linked to insecurity and often result into death due to endemic diseases, child mortality rate, famine, and lack of adequate services. At this instant, if the Darfur death rate is added into the equation, who would then argue that should such trend persists the war related death toll in Sudan cannot exceed the magic two and half million in the next two decades. It is obvious that Sudan needs genuine peace; not peace that ends in signed paper, but the peace that ends war, insecurity and fear once and for all.
Steve Paterno is the author of The Rev. Fr. Saturnino Lohure, A Roman Catholic Priest Turned Rebel. He can be reached at [email protected]