Lack of national identity is a cry of the owl for South Sudan
By Beny Gideon Mabor
March 26, 2013 – This policy brief is wholeheartedly generated by ideas in a book written by Ambassador Dr. Francis Mading Deng, a current South Sudan Permanent Representative to the United Nations. The title of the fiction novel is “cry of the owl” first published by Lillian Barber Press, INC in 1989, New York. The book entails crisis of identities in the neighboring Republic of Sudan, where a culturally Arabized and Islamized identity was institutionalized as a large framework for identity of the Sudanese nation. In other words, a structurally exclusive kind of identity based on assimilation, discrimination and marginalization.
As such identity framework continues and proved futile to the largely black African South and other non-Arabs nationalities within and at the peripheries of the Sudan; it was definitely the resultant cause of liberation struggle in South Sudan. The resistance of this inculcated theory of exclusive identity gave birth to the Torit mutiny on 18 August 1955 between Arabs dominated government and marginalized South Sudanese in the perceived identity.
The cry of the owl by Dr. Francis was a clear indication of the looming threats to the then government and people of Sudan that possibility of disintegration of the Sudan into independent pieces is apparent history in making. Surely, the independence of South Sudan on 9 July 2011 is an outcome of cry of the owl. Literally, what does cry of the owl means? The cry of the owl is really a cry of the bird of the devil according to many nationalities’ customary meaning. In South Sudan, according to the Dinka tribe for instance when an owl cries nearby your home is a signal that something unavoidable is going to happen in your house.
On 24 March 2013 at a book launch ceremony by Dr. Francis Mading, which was organized by leaves bookshop in Juba, I have had opportunity to discuss with the author of the cry of the owl, 2nd edition. My humble question to Dr. Francis M. Deng, in agreement with many participants is what exactly will be another cry of the owl for South Sudan in quest of national identity? For neighboring Republic of Sudan, there were some tangible differences such as light skin of Arabs background; Islam and other Arabs’ monolithic characteristics that make you different from other category.
In South Sudan, there is no definite framework for definition of our identity. We are all black; Christian and animist and there is no one dominant group who have clearly came up with their identity as legitimate framework for South Sudanese nation. In practice, what only exist is a competitive identity group vying for resources, wealth, political leadership positions and other sectors. Nobody cares about identity in South Sudan.
Now South Sudan is an independent state and what is our national identity? Of course, there is no country without people, and no people without cultures and identity. This is the constitutional obligation why the government worldwide recognizes the peaceful coexistence of cultures, norms and ethical values of every society in a given territorial jurisdiction. The questions remain how these cultural diversities and identities in nationhood positively or negatively contribute to the nation building.
Do they really divide us or bring us together in a unified diversity for common good?
To my perspective, I am of the opinion that unity in diversity or inclusive identity is the best tool for resolving inter-tribal conflicts in South Sudan by mandating the indigenous communities to settle their disputes through established traditional leadership tier system. Again in South Sudan, every community is guided by their own identity markers or characteristics such as language, lineage, accent and customary duties, but above all, there must be a developed and guided concept of national identity, citizenship and belonging under the constitution and the law.
Politically speaking, the national identity of every country is always the notion upon which the politics and governance of that country is based in the constitutional arrangement. Article 1 (4) of the Transitional Constitution of South Sudan says ‘South Sudan is governed on the basis of a decentralized democratic system and is an all-embracing homeland for its people. It is a multi-ethnic, multi-cultural, multi-lingual, multi-religious and multi-racial entity where such diversities peacefully co-exist.
In practice, the rationale behind this legal framework is to grant an equal opportunity and consideration of all cultural diversities regardless of size, or cultural heritages. Yet, there is no guarantee and implementation of these promises under the current laws rather we must built our cultural diversity and identity on solid foundation in the making of permanent constitution to make it a reality in the correct redefinition of nationhood, identity and belonging.
In fact, any attempt by the government at all levels to ignore the accommodative ethno-cultural freedom will automatically sparks cultural relativism or rivalry and may reflect negative impacts and develop into acute range of tribalism, nepotism and other harmful social corruptions to a final threat of political stability and thereby arises symptoms of a fail state. It is due to this ethnocentrism why South Sudanese fail to arrive at common factor to achieve cohesion of national identity for decades.
Unfortunately, our politics and governance in South Sudan are shaped along these tribal lines and definitely now the basis of forming the governments and even determining the allocation of basic services usually with wrong formula of lion share depending on the size and self-claimed responsibility of each ethnic group. Others are bluntly saying that their revolutionary rights are indisputable, and therefore the fellow liberators can use anything including corruption as the least common multiples just to quench their thirst of liberation struggle on the expense of public funds
The freedom fighters in South Sudan right from the Anyanya revolutionary movement and the current Sudan People Liberation Movement and Army SPLM/A could not develop our national identity, to which was the cause of civil conflict. The first liberation struggle was secessionists’ war fighting for self-rule and the second war was a mixture of both, but voluntary unity of the Sudan on new basis was SPLM agenda although they have failed to realize the new Sudan ideology.
Now the challenge of national identity is something we should play with it and we must learn from other countries that have experienced the same and how they resolved the matter. The conflict of national identity has flared up in many countries including Rwanda, Burma, East Timor and the Republic of Sudan to mention few where citizens experienced cultural hatred and segregations. I pray our government of South Sudan will address this cause with sincere dedication through its national programs and civil society organizational framework of similar agendas to meet mounting challenges of national identity.
In South Sudan after careful analysis of the conflict of identity, it is a complex situation difficult to recommend clear directions, but nevertheless, any further attempt to bring about relative proposal can be welcome idea and the subject remain open ended for more constructive criticism and gradually gaining momentum to see dream come true.
In conclusion, I am of the opinion together with my senior colleague and veteran journalist Jacob Akol, from Gurtong Peace Trust and others, that the revival of the “House of Nationalities” or similar cultural forum can be good option to define and protect the identity of all ethnic communities by encouraging respect for all cultures and languages. It should be made part of the permanent constitution as the firm basis of definition of national identity.
The idea of house of nationalities is not a paradox but already a practice in some countries. The Republic of Botswana in Southern Africa is topical example where there established a House of Chiefs, for the purposes of unity and reconciliation together with other mandatory cultural duties binding on their citizens. Creditably, Botswana is a nation in the records of good governance and stability in the whole of Africa and the region.
South Sudan is a big family of 62 tribes or originally into Nilotic, Bantu and Sudanic groups with great diversity. Therefore, the political and legal acknowledgment of cultural diversity and identity through established entity will make a significant contribution to the nation-building through interculturalism. In other words, by recognizing all commonalities, reduced anxiety and encourage pattern of social affiliations amongst various cultural groups.
The adoption of national identity shall be Cultural Revolution in the historical making of our new nation one day. Secondly, the establishment of national schools across our country and the successive introduction of unified languages not more than three dialects to be adopted in the general and tertiary educational curriculum will add great advantage and may influence the communities to forge one indisputable identity.
Finally, the government should develop the cultural exhibition centres as the overall recreational units for many exercises including dancing, singing, wrestling, spiritual performances, wedding and other cultural exhibitions in order to educate the opposite groups for similar purpose.
Beny Gideon Mabor, is a Project Officer for Rule of Law and Human Rights, at the South Sudan Human Rights Society For Advocacy (SSHURSA). He can be reached [email protected].