Breaking silence on Abyei
By Beny Gideon Mabor
“I don’t know what’s right and wrong anymore”, he said, tears streaming down his cheeks. “On the one hand, I am warned that you are the tool of oppression against our people, an enemy of the Christians and an agent of the evil. On the other hand, when I am with you, I see a kind and compassionate person whom I cannot believe could be evil man I am warned about. Oh! Uncle Ali, what shall I do? Whom shall I believe?” Cry of the Owl. Francis Mading Deng p.131
May 9, 2013 – I struggled within myself for ages over Abyei contestable identity between the Republic of South Sudan and the Sudan. Historically, I made remarkable recollections and decided to break the silence. It was not a pleasing night on date 5 April 2013 when I wake up at 2:15 am midnight and start to think about endless issue of Abyei. I concluded that Abyei saga exactly fall within the context of the above mentioned quote between Elias Bol Malek, a southerner and captain Ali of northern Sudanese nationality.
Certainly, I must tell you this is current situation of Abyei. The questions then follows: What shall we do now with this conflicting identity of Abyei between South Sudan and Sudan since our political leadership of the two countries fails to reach amicable solution over Abyei? Whom shall we believe as true owners of Abyei in this scenario? What is the fate of innocent lives lost every year in Abyei as a result of boarder conflicts and politically motivated contract killings? The list of questions goes on, but no proper answers ever met them. God knows!
In fact, where is Abyei Area and what is the bond of contention so far? Although the geographical area of Abyei is clearly known to be a territory within the Republic of South Sudan, yet the international community was allowed to fork in their nose and confused the true identity of Abyei which they do not know. The political leadership of the two countries also followed the suit and complicated the matter by describing Abyei in many controversial identities. Some self claimed analysts describe Abyei as Kashmir of Sudan and South Sudan which is not true. This gave Arabs Misseriya and the Khartoum based administration some sense of ownership. However, the issue of Abyei has been wrangling on since 1965 when hostilities first broke out between the Dinka Ngok and Missiriya with massacre of 72 Dinka Ngok in the Misseriya town of Babanusa. The Ngok Dinka then decided to join the Anyanya revolutionary movement to liberate themselves from such brutal killings when the war intensified in the South, against monolithic Arabs in the Sudan including Messiriya.
Unfortunately, during the Addis Ababa peace agreement in 1972, the position of Abyei was disputed, with the Southern rebels asserting that Abyei was part of the South, while the government in Khartoum claimed it to be part of the north just like similar game during CPA 2005 negotiations between SPLM and NCP-led government which is not implemented to date.
The Addis Ababa peace agreement provided self-determination referendum under Article 3 (iii) of the Agreement for the Dinka Ngok to choose whether to remain in the north or to join the south. In the civil service jobs, most intellectuals of Dinka Ngok of Abyei decided to work with the then regional government of Higher Executive Council as a signal of their full attachment to Southern region and to ensure the implementation of Article 3 (iii) of the peace agreement. The same thing is happening today with Dinka Ngok who are occupying key constitutional and civil service jobs in South Sudan at all levels of government in an attempt to alert Khartoum that South Sudan is their ancestral land. But the question is whether all Dinka Ngok are united under common intention as part of South Sudan or does exist different voices who supported being part of Sudan.
Plainly speaking, research show that the Dinka Ngok positions over the status of Abyei ever since remain divided. The Dinka Ngok currently residing in Sudan and even some on the ground in Abyei are seen supporting being part of Sudan. A clear example is an unfortunate killing of Paramount Chief Kuol Deng Kuol popularly known as Kuol Adol dated 4 May, 2013 at around 6:00 PM by Messiriya armed groups. The circumstances surrounding his assassination surely left us speechless whether it is calculated by fifth columnist or not. How can the Misseriya armed groups know the presence of Chief Kuol Adol in the UNISFA vehicles if there is no indoor act of Judas Iscariot, perhaps the contrary shall only be proved by thorough investigation if it is done well.
In a continuation for system attack on community leaders in Abyei, it was awful evening on 17 September, 1970, when a similar attack happened. Paramount Chief Moyak Deng, two of his brothers and three uncles were shot dead by a military squad led personally by the then commanding officer 1st Lt. Mohmed El Basha according to a report published by Abyei Information Centre. In other words, the killing of Chief Kuol Adol is a systematic extermination of key leaders in Abyei to spoil the agenda.
May their Soul rest in peace!
Again at second crucial point in history, the SPLM and NCP-led government voluntarily fails to reach an agreement on Abyei during CPA negotiations in 2005. The Abyei conflict was handled in a historical repetition just like in 1972 when the self-determination referendum was agreed and dishonored by Khartoum government at broad day light. At the weakest point in our history liberations struggle, the parties allowed the Abyei Protocol to be drafted by foreign nationals which was wholly adopted in the negotiation as the basis for the resolution of Abyei conflict presented by the US Special Envoy to Sudan Senator John Danforth on the 19th March, 2004.
With these principles of Agreement on Abyei, Senator Danforth wrongly defines Abyei as a bridge between the north and the south, linking the people of Sudan under Article 1.1.1 of the Abyei Protocol. How can it be a bridge when the land falls deeply within the Republic of South Sudan? Worst enough; it is crystal clear now that with the presence and intervention of international community as a follow up mechanism of the self-determination referendum for the Dinka Ngok, the situation deteriorates. Finally, it is evident that foreign solution will never solve Abyei issue anymore and the government and people of South Sudan must think otherwise.
In conclusion, I am call upon the government of South Sudan and that of Sudan to expedite the process of implementation of Abyei referendum as scheduled by AU High level implementation panel if it may hold water. Second, let the Dinka Ngok community and intellectuals all over the world come back to Abyei Area for community meeting in order to come out with clear agenda on the status of Abyei conflict. This is when the Government and people of South Sudan will support Ngok Dinka after they are united for purpose. Do not allow Dr. Francis Mading said his different version of the resolution of Abyei conflcit in New York, while some claimed elderly Dinka Ngok members in Sudan have another version as well as Dinka Ngok elites in the SPLM-led government in Juba have different version on Abyei conflict resolution. We will never reach an intended destination. Indeed, Abyei problem needs Abyei solution and not foreign attempts under stalemate.
Last but not least, the failure of the government and people of South Sudan without retaining full control of Abyei Area as constitutional obligation will be a litmus test for territorial integrity of South Sudan. Such terrorist related act of extermination of community leaders and groundless claimed by Sudan over Abyei Area are sign of temptation on South Sudan muscle of territorial defense. Otherwise let us stand behind President Salva Kiir, that he will not leave and inch of the Abyei are to Sudan.
Beny Gideon Mabor is an independent commentator on governance and human rights. The author is currently in Nairobi, Kenya and can be reached at [email protected]